Racial Relations 

and the 

Christian Ideal 


A Discussion Course 
for College Students 


Price 25 cents 






Racial Relations 

ii 

and the 

Christian Ideal 


A Discussion Course 
for College Students 


Orders may be sent to 

Young- Women’s Christian Association, 600 Lexington Ave., N. Y. 
Young Men’s Christian Association, 347 Madison Avenue, N. Y. 
Student Fellowship for Christian Life Service, 156 Fifth Ave., N. Y. 
Student Volunteer Movement, - 25 Madison Avenue, N. Y. 







Copyright 1923 

Committee on Christian World Education 
New York, N. Y. 




0C1A759797 





Foreword 

“Racial Relations and the Christian Ideal” is one in a 
series of four discussion courses specially prepared for 
use among college students. “International Problems and 
the Christian Way of Life,” “Economic Problems and the 
Christian Ideal” and “Youth and the Renaissance Move¬ 
ments” constitute the titles of the other three. In method 
of treatment and arrangement of material these four 
courses are similar. 

The series was planned and its preparation begun by a 
sub-committee of the Committee on Arrangements for the 
Student Volunteer Movement Quadrennial Convention, 
December 28, 1923-January 1, 1924. It was intended pri¬ 
marily to furnish students with an intelligent background 
for the opening addresses of the Convention. Later, the 
conviction grew that here in these four courses there was 
material in which not only Convention delegates but the 
entire student body of North America might be interested. 

About the same time the Council of Christian Associa¬ 
tions, representing the Student Y. M. C. A. and the 
Y. W. C. A., created a Committee on Christian World 
Education to which representatives of the Student Volun¬ 
teer Movement for Foreign Missions and the Student Fel¬ 
lowship for Christian Life Service were invited as mem¬ 
bers. This Committee has cooperated with the Committee 
on Pre-Convention Education, the latter continuing to 
carry major responsibilities in the preparation of the 
courses, the former assuming responsibilities connected 
with their publication and promotion. 

The purpose of these courses is to increase intelligent 
interest among college students in world-wide problems of 
human relationships. As the titles indicate, those who have 
prepared these courses believe that a practical solution of 
each great problem may be found in the Christian Ideal. Al¬ 
though Christ proposed no theory of government and set up no 
social order where the problems of racial relationships for 
example might all be solved to the point of universal sat¬ 
isfaction, He did “typify and advocate a way of life which 
He asserted we all could live if we would.” There are 


principles in His example and teachings, we believe, which 
have a direct relation to all the problems raised in these 
courses. We believe further in His spirit as an absolutely 
essential possession if, after the true way has been dis¬ 
covered, we are individually and as groups to walk therein. 

in stating questions and selecting excerpt material spe- 
cia care has been taken to maintain a neutral position, 
and to bring as many worthwhile viewpoints as possible 
into the discussion. Students are not expected to agree 
with all conflicting opinions expressed in the reference ma¬ 
terial. Wherever more facts are needed for intelligent stu¬ 
dent discussion, the leader should supply these from addi¬ 
tional reference sources, current magazines, local news¬ 
papers and personal experience. No claim to compre¬ 
hensiveness in questions, excerpt material or bibliography 
can be made. The very nature of the issues raised not to 
mention limitations in space and time of preparation, made 

w sdZ nf 3 '^' i N ° r 3re a u Y C ’ aimS made for either ‘he 

raised r He C10 ' Ce ,° r the order in which issues a re 
raised. Groups may elect to discuss only a few of the 

mam issues raised or they may strike out independently 

for themselves into a discussion of related issues which 

appear more immediately practical. The coJrse prc^des 

merely a terminus a quo for thought in the hope that this 

Will reveal the oily of hasty judgments and.'.t may be 

man C e ? rer hght J on what Principles should govern in hu- 
man relations, and what are the practical measures bv 

wb 'n b ‘ h , es ,! P rl nciples may become operative in life today 
Racial Relations and the Christian Ideal” is large v the 

creation and' th^* Ly °” The questions^ her 

product of her rese e arch rpt B S ^ bib,iogra P h y ‘he 
final form it was reviewed 

men and women I n all „ . c F iCbenta uve 

T u 0 ,v 10 an these we express our sincere thanks 


October 15, 1923. 


Milton T. Stauffer. 


I: Should or should not human 
relations be governed by the 
principle of racial equality? 

1. Do anthropologists believe that races differ in their inher¬ 
ent native capacities so that by reason of their equipment 
certain races will always be the leading ones; or do they 
believe that races differ merely in the degree of advance 
or of retardation in their development? 

What is the difference, if any, between “backward” and 
“inferior” as applied to races? 

2. Granted that some races are more advanced than others 
at the present time, what evidence does history give that 
their position in this respect will be permanent? Does his¬ 
tory give evidence of races changing places—of a backward 
race becoming an advanced race or vice versa? 

3. Granted that there are very real differences between races 
in the realm of their socially inherited characteristics, what 
bearing has this upon the principle of racial equality? 

4. How prevalent is the assumption that the white race is in¬ 
herently superior to all others ? 

How has the world war affected the prevalence of this 
assumption ? 

5. On what basis might a claim to white racial superiority 
rightly be made, if made at all? 

(a) Might a claim to white racial superiority be based on 
purely biological or psychological grounds ? 

Might it be based on the color of the skin? 

What relation has beauty to inherent superiority? 

Might it be based on bodily measurements, such as the 
length of the limbs, the shape of the head, or the size 
of the brain? 

Might it be based on psychological tests? 

5 


(b) Might a claim to white racial superiority be based on 
achievement? If so, in what realms? 

In government? Might a subject race have more 
points of superiority than a ruling race? 

In wart What ground is there, if any, for believing 
that the conquering races have been the superior races ? 

In the extent of control over the natural resources of 
the world? In what ways is material wealth a mark 
of inherent superiority? 

In the type of civilization attained? How significant 
are the differences between races created by different 
cultural inheritances ? Are any phases of eastern 
civilization superior to western civilization? 

In initiative in scientific enterprises? In what ways 
is the scientific mind superior to the philosophic or 
poetic mind? 

In the extent or the kind of education attained? Just 
what type of education would prove a race superior? 

In moral and spiritual achievement? On what basis 
should moral and spiritual greatness be appraised? 

(c) Under what conditions would greater achievement in 
a number of realms by the white race signify a larger 
inherent capacity? Compare the opportunities of the 
white race with those of the darker races. When 
individuals of the darker races have been given larger 
opportunities, of what significance have been the 
results ? 

6. Which are the pure races, if any? 

Are the more advanced or the more primitive races the 
purer races? 

If the essential equality of all races is accepted, just what 
is meant by equality? 

In what way are races equal? 

Do present racial inequalities preclude the possibility of 
racial cooperation? 


6 


Reference Material 

The framers of the Declaration of Independence embodied 
in it the celebrated proposition that “all men are created equal.” 
There are two senses in which this sentence may be inter¬ 
preted. It may be taken to mean that all men are equal in 
respect to their claims for justice, for humane treatment and 
the kindly feeling of their fellows, for opportunities to make 
the best of their powers of service and of happiness. On the 
other hand, it may be, and sometimes has been, taken to mean 
that all men are born in the equal capacities for intellectual 
and moral development. ... In the former sense the proposi¬ 
tion conveys a moral truth and a moral ideal which all men 
can accept as a fundmental principle of conduct.— Wm. 
McDougall. Is America Safe for Democracy f, pp. 23, 24. 

They [white men] do not realize that in Asia the average 
brain is not one whit inferior in quality to the average Euro¬ 
pean brain; that history shows Asiatics to be as bold, as vig¬ 
orous, as generous, as self-sacrificing, and as capable of strong 
collective action as Europeans, and that there are and must 
continue to be a great many more Asiatics than Europeans in 
the world. Under modern conditions world-wide economic 
and educational equalization is in the long run inevitable.— 
H. G. Wells, quoted in The Real Japanese Question, K. K. 
Kawakami, p. 224. 

An unbiased estimate of the anthropological evidence so far 
brought forward does not permit us to countenance the belief 
in a racial inferiority which would unfit an individual of the 
Negro race to take his part in modern civilization. We do 
not know of any demand made on the human body or mind 
in modern life that anatomical or ethnological evidence would 
prove to be beyond the powers of the Negro.— Franz Boas. 
Atlanta University Publications. No. 11. 

Potentially the black race is probably as good as the white. 
Consider for a moment of what recent date is our scientific 
civilization. We have gone ahead, and the records of our 
dealings with the black peoples, armed as we were with certain 
advantages, is not flattering to us. We looked upon them as 
slaves, and we continue in some sense to regard them as slaves. 
But what in the history of the world is an advance of a few 
hundred years? If one takes a wider view than Africa, if one 

7 


looks at the colored peoples in general—and I have spent some 
years in the Far East, as well as in Africa—one sees that our 
own civilization has its sources in Asia, which is yellow; in 
India, which is bronzed; and in Egypt, which is black. Greece 
and Rome are comparatively late-comers. We owe much to 
the Arabs. Our alphabets come from Asia, and our figures 
from Arabia, and long before Europe was settled there existed 
great civilizations. We, white men, are not the first, and we 
may not be the last, representatives of civilization. It is neces¬ 
sary to cultivate the world sense and to think in less limited 
periods of time.— Gen. Mangin, French commander of Afri¬ 
can troops on the western front. “London Observer.” Quoted 
in The Crisis, March, 1922. 

Any group which desires material advantage from the ex¬ 
ploitation of another group always takes pains to character¬ 
ize its victims as inferior. There have been times when Eng¬ 
lishmen were assured of the inferiority of the Irish—as 
many a white man now is about the “nigger.” The Turk is 
doubtless convinced of the inferiority of the Armenian; the 
Magyar and the Czech, the Rumanian and the Magyar, the 
Polish noble and the Jew, all furnish examples of oppression 
justified by spurious “inferiorities.” Under cover of these 
appeals to contempt and passion the human relations which 
make civilization possible are ruthlessly violated.— Herbert J. 
Seligman. The Negro Faces America, pp. 29, 30. 

We have to face the question at home, in our social rela¬ 
tions in the new age as well as abroad, whether we really 
believe in spiritual equality. The Christian idea of love is 
really quite distinct from the idea of philanthropy. Love 
contains within itself the assertion of the equality of per¬ 
sonality. If you love another human being, you want him, 
you are not merely anxious, laudably perhaps and disinter¬ 
estedly, to give him certain good things, but you need him as 
much as he needs you. Dr. A. C. M’Giff£rt points out in a 
penetrating article in the Harvard 7 heological Review that 
‘the conquest of the world for the world’s good is as un¬ 
righteous as the conquest of the world for the world’s 
destiuction, and argues that Christianity has learnt something 
from democracy in articulating its doctrine of brotherhood. 
Equality is a part of love and love is not the same as philan¬ 
thropy. I will venture to quote one remark made to me by 
an Indian friend, a Christian saint of great spiritual pene- 
tration. Speaking to me of his relations with us European 

8 


Christians—and they were happy far beyond the average— 
he said, ‘You know, you make us feel that you want to do 
good to us, but you don’t make us feel that you need us.’— 
William Paton. “Personal Relationships Betzveen Indians 
and Europeans,’' International Review of Missions, Vol. 8, 
1919, p. 530. 

Property-holding Negroes in the United States increased 
their holdings during 1920 bv fifty million dollars. Negroes 
contributed over $1,100,000 for Rosenwald School Buildings. 
Eunice Hunton, a Negress of Smith College, received both the 
A.M. and the A.B. degrees as a result of four years work. 
The youngest student ever to receive the degree of Ph.D. from 
the University of Pennsylvania was Harris S. Blackstone, a 
Neg"C. Dr. Walter S. Grant, a Negro, was second on a list 
of two hundred examined for internships at the Cook County 
Hospital, Chicago. Prof. George W. Carver, Director of 
Agricultural Research and Chemistry at Tuskegee Institute, as 
a result of his own experimenting, has demonstrated that the 
peanut may yield 145 different kinds of food and useful ar¬ 
ticles. and also that there are 107 useful products of the sweet 
potato. Rene Maran, a Martinique Negro, won the 1921 Prix 
Goncourt for the best French novel of the year. 

The Drama League of America, by vote, selected Mr. 
Charles S. Gilpin, a Negro, as one of ten who had contributed 
the most to the art of the theatre during 1921. Three plays 
with all Negro casts were shown on Broadway, New York 
City, one of which had a continuous run of over a year. 
There are now seventeen motion picture film producing cor¬ 
porations operated by negroes. Elijah McCoy, a Negro of 
Detroit, in forty-eight years has taken out fifty-seven patents, 
his last, taken out in 1920, being a Westinghouse Air Pump 
Lubricator. Facts taken from “ Negro Year Book, 1921-1922.” 

In so far as the problem arises between a dominant and 
a subjected race, it is impossible for science to say anything 
even as to averages. For a fair general test is impossible. The 
children of the subjected race never have a chance. To be 
deprived at the very dawn of selfhood of a sense of possible 
superiority, is to be undernourished at the point of chief edu¬ 
cative importance, and to be assailed in early childhood with a 
pervading intimation of inferiority is poison in the very centers 
of growth except for people of the very highest force of 
character; therefore, to be born into a subjected race is to 

9 


grow up inferior, not only to the other races, but to one’s own 
potential self.— Max Eastman in Introduction to Harlem 
Shadows. 

The fact of political domination creates the belief in su¬ 
periority on one side and inferiority on the other. It changes 
race-prejudice into racial discrimination. This situation then 
produces conditions which justify the belief in respective su¬ 
periority and inferiority. For of course any people held in sub¬ 
jection and at great disadvantage economically and politically 
is bound to show the consequences. It is kept back while 
the other people go ahead. Then the dominant group finds 
plenty of facts to quote in support of their belief in their own 
superiority. In the psychological tests given American con¬ 
scripts during the war, the negroes as a group ranked low. 
This fact might be seized upon to prove their case by those 
who hold to inherent inferiority. But unfortunately for the 
argument, the negro group from the northern states, where the 
negroes though not fairly treated receive better treatment, 
stood distinctly higher than the southern in the intelligence 
tests, thus proving the effects of environmental opportunity. 

The other consequence concerns the psychological effect of 
rule upon the dominant political group. Arrogance and con¬ 
tempt are fostered. Moreover we also hate those whom we 
have wronged. . . . The disdain and contempt of the over- 
lord class for the inferior is moreover usually complicated by 
an uneasy subconscious feeling that perhaps the subject people 
is not really so inferior as its political status indicates. Then 
the expression of superiority assumes a noisy and aggressive 
form on the psychological principle that the “lady protests 
too much.” An assured superiority would be more calmly 
complacent. It seems to me that at the present time especially 
racial friction is much exasperated by this latent fear. The 
same man who is sure of the inherent superiority of the white 
race will for example hold forth on the Yellow Peril in a 
style which would make one believe in the inherent inferiority 
of the white race, though he usually tries to save himself by 
attributing fear to superiority in numbers.— John Dewey. 
“Racial Prejudice and Friction,” Chinese Social and Political 
Science Review, March, 1922, pp. 16, 17. 

“That there is a difference between the fundamental human 
types in quality, in intellectual capacity, in moral fibre, in all 
that makes or has made any people great, I believe to be true, 
despite what advocates of the uniformity of man may say.”_ 

10 


In the years before the war, Teutonic scholars were proving, 
to their own satisfaction, that most of the great names in the 
history of the European and Mediterranean world were those 
of men of Nordic race, and even Christ himself was claimed 
by some of the more daring as of “Germanic” blood. To no 
one race or type, however, can the palm be thus arrogantly 
assigned, rather to the product of the blending of those types 
which seem of all the most gifted.” . . . “In the history of 
mankind, there have been from earliest times, many places, 
many occasions when amalgamations between two or more of 
the great fundamental types have occurred; and from these 
blendings, I am tempted to believe, have arisen again and 
again the cultures or civilizations which mark the progress of 
the race.”— Roland B. Dixon. The Racial History of Man, 
pp. 515, 516, 518. 

Roland B. Dixon, in his late book, “The Racial History of 
Man,” divides mankind into eight fundamental racial types, 
the distinctions being based entirely on the size and shape of 
the head. The color of the skin or the curl of the hair have 
nothing to do with marking racial divisions since these are the 
products of thousands of years under differing climatic con¬ 
ditions. The so-called races at the present time, he believes 
to be the result of some particular combination of the 
“original types or elements,” and the difficulty we have in de¬ 
ciding just how many races there are “is largely due to the 
fact that the elements have been blended so variously and in 
such varying proportions.” “A race is not a permanent en¬ 
tity, something static; on the contrary it is dynamic, and is 
slowly developing and changing as the result of fresh incre¬ 
ments of one or another of its original constituents or of 
some new one.” The Nordic race, according to Mr. Dixon, 
is a mixture of Caspian, Mediterranean and Proto-Negroid 
types. 

Mr. Ellsworth Huntington sums up in the following way 
Mr. Dixon’s general line of argument: 

“The form of the head is the most permanent and distinctive 
of racial traits. The most primitive heads are long and nar¬ 
row, and low, with small brain capacity. As man has 
evolved his head has tended first to lengthen from back to 
front; then to become higher, and finally broader. Thus 
there has been a series of steps toward a round head. Such 
a head is biologically the highest and the most specialized, 
because it can hold the largest brain in proportion to its sur- 

11 


face and weight. *■ This is not pleasing to us, for the Mediter¬ 
ranean and Nordic races, among whom our ancestry is largely 
found, are long-headed, whereas the South Germans, Chinese, 
and other people of the Alpine race are comparatively round- 
headed. We hate to admit that potentially they may be the 
better people, but both Taylor and Dixon agree that our pres¬ 
ent seeming superiority is only an accident, not a biological 
necessity. Let the round-headed races have a chance as good 
as ours, or let them make as fortunate mixtures with other 
races, and their larger brains may win the day .”—The Liter¬ 
ary Review of the New York Evening Post, Aug. 25, 1923. 

When the moral vision of a man becomes perverted enough 
to persuade him that he is superior to his fellow, he is in 
reality looking up to him from an unmeasurable distance be¬ 
neath.— James Russell Lowell. 

It is safe to say that in practice one is a Negro or is classed 
with that race if he has the least visible trace of Negro blood 
in his veins, or even if it is known that there was Negro 
blood in any one of his progenitors. Miscegenation has never 
been a bridge upon which one might cross from the Negro 
race to the Caucasian though it has been a thoroughfare from 
the Caucasian to the Negro. Judges and legislators have gone 
the length of saying that one drop of Negro blood makes a 
man a Negro, but to be a Caucasian one must be all Cau¬ 
casian. This shows very clearly that they have not considered 
Negro blood on a par with Caucasian; else, race affiliation 
would be determined by predominance of blood. By the latter 
test, if one had more Negro blood than white, he would be 
considered a Negro; if more white than Negro, a Caucasian. 
Therefore, at the very threshold of this subject, even in the 
definition of terms, one discovers a race distinction. Whether 
it is a discrimination depends upon what one considers the 
relative desirability of Caucasian and Negro ancestry.— 
Gilbert V. Stephenson. Race Distinctions in American 
Laiv, pp. 19, 20. 

This identification of whites and Negroes goes very far, 
as is proved by the curious example quoted by John S. 
Durham. Two brothers (colored), printers by trade, came to 
Philadelphia a few years ago to look for work. The one 
entered a printing-house where none but white men worked, 
and became foreman. At the end of two years, a workman 
became acquainted with the fact of his color and denounced 

12 


him. The whites immediately sent a delegation to the pro¬ 
prietor demanding that the colored man should be immediately 
dismissed. The proprietor, although appreciating the merit of 
his foreman, informed him of the cruel necessity which com¬ 
pelled him to give way to the remonstrances of his subordi¬ 
nates. 

The unhappy “Negro” asked him as a favor to accept his 
brother in his place. “In that way,” said he, “I shall be able 
to live on his wages as he has lived on mine.” It was done. 
The workmen, ignorant of the origin of their new foreman, 
worked under him for a long time, until the fact was 
discovered. 

This is how Mr. Durham concludes:—“The first of the two 
brothers gave up the struggle in despair. He fled into a 
vaster world, viz., that of the whites, who, ignorant of his 
origin, allowed him to live their life and to enjoy all the privi¬ 
leges which in the United States are reserved for whites 
alone.”— Iohn M. Mecklin. Democracy and Race Friction, 
pp. 142-147. 

The more advanced a people the greater its vitality, so much 
the more intermixed with others is it found to be. Those 
which march at the van of civilization, like the French, Eng¬ 
lish, German, Italian or those of the United States, all possess 
blood which is richest in heterogeneous elements. . . . 

If any race is deemed pure from all mixture, it is only be¬ 
cause we are unable to disentangle its constituent elements. . .. 

If the word half-breed were strictly applied to the progeny 
which has really issued from a mixture of varieties it would 
be necessary to include under this denomination all human 
beings with rare exceptions.— Jean Finot. Race Prejudice, 
pp. 39, 157. 


13 


Additional Reference Sources 

Race Prejudice. Jean Finot. Pp. 3-25; 45-56; 151-167; 283-309. 

The Mind of Primitive Man. Franz Boas. Pp. 1-173; 251-278. 

The Rising Tide of Color. Lothrop Stoddard. Pu. 1-16. 

Outspoken Essays. (Second series) W. R. Inge. Pp. 209-230. 

The Negro Faces America. H. J. Seligman. Pp. 98-127. 

Souls of Black Folk. W. E. B. Du Bois. Pp. 1-2. 

Darkwater. W. E. B. Du Bois. Pp. 3-52, 193-202. 

The Negro Problem. Julia Johnson. Pp. 59-139. 

The Future in America. H. G. Wells. Pp. 185-202. 

Black and White in the Southern States. Maurice Evans. Pp. 97- 
113. 

Unsung Heroes. Elizabeth Haynes. 

The Negro in Literature and Art. Benjamin Brawley. 

The Voice of the Negro. R. T. Kerlin. Pp. 65-71, 157-182. 

The Trend of the Races. George E. Haynes. Pp. 23-135. 

July numbers of The Crisis, a monthly magazine published by the 
National Association for the Improvement of Colored People. 
The Clash of Color. Glenn Frank. Century Magazine, Nov., 1919. 
The World Tomorrow, March 1922, May 1923. (Entire numbers) 


14 


II: Do racial differences make 
friction inevitable? 


1. What are some of the outstanding instances of race friction 
in the world to-day? 

What instances of such friction have you personally ob¬ 
served ? 

2. With these instances of race friction in mind, what do you 
consider the causes of race friction? 

It is suggested that the group list all the causes which seem 
to them contributory to race friction in order that they may 
compare them and determine which among them are really the 
most serious. The following causes are suggested as possi¬ 
bilities merely that they may be suggestive to the leader of the 
group in stimulating the discussion. 

(a) Difference in color? 

What groups, if any, of the same color are there whose 
antagonisms are as violent as those between groups 
of different color? Why is the East Indian careful 
to wear his turban when visiting the United States? 

In South Africa a clear distinction is made between the 
pure native and the “colored” man on the grounds that the 
colored man has white blood in him and “has feelings.” The 
octroons and quadroons in the United States whose color 
may be with great difficulty distinguished from those of 
whites are segregated in Jim Crow cars and colored schools 
along with negroes of pure blood. 

Is or is not color the real reason for race friction? 

(b) Difference in social habits? 

Is it principally a matter of spaghetti, garlic, chopsticks 
or eating with a knife? When strange social habits 
become familiar, does race friction disappear? 

(c) Geographical separation and consequent lack of under¬ 
standing? 

Do you find yourself being prejudiced at once against 
strange persons or do they attract you? 

Does race friction increase or decrease with closer 
acquaintance ? 


15 


(d) Self-assertion or the ability of one race to dominate 
anotherf 

(e) Differences in economic standardsf 

(f) Self-protection against lozver racial cultures? 

How great must the differences between people in so¬ 
cially inherited characteristics be to make inter-mar¬ 
riage inadvisable? 

(g) Educationf 

“It is largely by the educated, by students and writers, 
as well as by political leaders that the mischief has 
been done, more or less everywhere, of arousing the 
exaggeration of racial vanity.” So said Viscount 
Bryce. 

Was he right or wrong? 

How have methods of education in schools, the mov¬ 
ing pictures, the daily press, exaggerated or alleviated 
racial antipathies? 

(h) Differences in religionf 

Has Christianity fired racial antipathies or has it re¬ 
moved them? What of Islam? What of Judaism? 

3. Is racial antipathy inborn or acquired? 

(a) Why do some believe that it is inborn? 

Do little children feel it or do they learn it from their 
elders ? 

(b) If racial antipathy is acquired, does it come as a re¬ 
sult of reasonable thought, is it socially inherited, or is 
it purely prejudice? 

How are prejudices communicated from one individual 
to another? 

4. Which of the real causes of race friction are inevitable and 
cannot be eradicated? By what practical steps might the 
most stubborn of these causes be eradicated? 




16 


Reference Material 

As colored men realized the significance of it all [the World 
War] they looked into each other’s eyes and there saw the 
light of undreamed of hopes. The white world was tearing 
itself to pieces. White solidarity was riven and shattered. And 
fear of white power and respect for white civilization together 
dropped away like garments outworn. Through the bazaars 
of Asia ran the sibilant whisper: “The East will see the West to 
Bed.”— Lothrop Stoddard. The Rising Tide of Color, p. 13. 

Social equality is a myth that makes trouble. It is a 
smoke screen and barrage that is often used by politicians. 
Social equality, as white people understand that term, is not 
wanted by colored people, who would rather be with one an¬ 
other than with anybody else. All that colored people ask 
for is the fair execution of the law.—R. R. Moton, Prin¬ 
cipal of Tuskegee Institute, The Rural Messenger. 

The peril of to-day is hardly “The Passing of a Great 
Race’’—the passing of an aristocratic group which at will may 
exploit the so-called lesser races and classes; but it is “The 
Passing of a Great Faith’’—the faith which always opposes 
this fear—ever since men saw the greater purpose of God and 
knew that he played no favorites. The biological fear pro¬ 
poses no remedy, except that the blonds must outbreed the 
brunettes or hold them under if they cannot outbreed them. 
If these are the remedies, then, of course, the great race is 
doomed. Unfortunately, the families of “Great Race’’ parent¬ 
age are not being increased; a bad example, which by the way, 
“the lesser breeds” are following as soon as they achieve a 
certain status. The masses—long heads and broad heads—are 
“out of hand,” and “all the king’s horses and all the king’s 
men cannot put ‘the old order’ together again.” 

Against this unrelievable pessimism we must recover a chal¬ 
lenging faith. Nature has not laid all her best eggs into 
Nordic baskets; civilization is not measured by the cephalic 
index alone; democracy is not degredation, and mongrelization 
within limits is not doom. I believe in race because I believe 
in heredity, though the two are not necessarily identical. I 
believe in the fine strain of folks who came with their 
sublime faith to the rockbound coast of New England; but I 
do not believe that the courage with which they faced the odds 
of the New England winters, the strength with which they 

17 


drove the stakes of homestead, church and school into the 
new and reluctant soil, will pass from America when the last 
drop of New England blood blends with that of Celt, Latin, 
Slav, or Semite.— Edward A. Steiner. “The Myth of a New 
Race,” Christian Century, September 20, 1923, p. 1196. 

I have attempted time after time to get some answer from 
the Americans I have met to what is to me the most obvious 
of questions. “Your grandchildren and the grandchildren of 
these people [the Negroes] will have to live in this country 
side by side; do you propose, do you believe it possible, that 
under the increasing pressure of population and competition 
they should be living then in just the same relations that you 
and these people are living now; if you do not, then what rela¬ 
tions do you propose shall exist between them ?” 

It is not too much to say that I have never once had the 
beginnings of an answer to this question. Usually one is told 
with great gravity that the problem of color is one of the most 
difficult that we have to consider, and the conversation then 
breaks up into discursive anecdotes and statements about 
black people. One man will dwell upon the uncontrollable 
\iolence of a black man s evil passions (in Jamaica and Bar- 
badoes colored people form an overwhelming proportion of 
the population, and they have behaved in an examplary fashion 

^° r j-^Li e - thiTty y ears ) > another will dilate upon the in¬ 
credible stupidity of the full-blooded Negro (during my stay 
in New York the prize for oratory at Columbia University, 
oratory which was the one redeeming charm of Daniel Web- 
ster, was awarded to a Zulu of unmitigated blackness) ; a third 
will speak of his physical offensiveness, his peculiar smell 
which necessitates his social isolation (most well-to-do 
Southerners are brought up by Negro “mammies”); others 
agam, will enter upon the painful history of the years that 
followed the war, though it seems a foolish thing to let those 
wrongs of the past dominate the outlook for the future 

My globe-trotting impudence will seem, no duubt, to mount 
to its zenith when I declare that hardly any Americans at all 
seem to be in possession of the elementary facts to this ques- 

u br °? d facts are not tau S ht > as of course they 

ought to be taught, in school; and what each man knows is 

picked up by the accidents of his own untrained observation 
by conversation always tinctured by personal prejudice by 
newspapers and magazine articles and the like — 
J-i. U. Wells. The Future in America, pp. 186, 187. 

18 


While the strongest resentment would be felt and expressed 
at a native [Negro] travelling as a passenger in a public 
conveyance—a post cart or the like—especially with lady 
fellow-passengers, no exception is taken to his presence as a 
driver, and indeed ladies will manoeuvre to get the box-seat 
at his left hand rather than take an inside place. To eat at 
the same table as a native would be the depth of indignity, 
but to eat food cooked by him, and often actually handled in 
the uncleanest manner by him, is taken as a matter of course. 
We shrink at personal contact, and would shudder to take 
the hand of a black man, yet to his care, or that of his sister, 
we entrust our most precious living treasures in their tender- 
est years, to be washed, clothed, tended, often caressed. The 
presence of the cleanest native alive in the same railway car¬ 
riage as whites is an offence which demands the immediate at¬ 
tention of the Government; the dirtiest may make our beds. 
A single case of marriage between white and black by Christian 
rites will fill the newspapers with columns of indignant pro¬ 
test, but illicit intercourse, even permanent concubinage, will 
pass unnoticed.— Maurice Evans, [a South African of 
British blood]. Black and White in the Southern States , p. 20. 

The facts suggest that an antipathy to what is strange 
(originating probably in the self-protective tendencies of ani¬ 
mal life) is the original basis of what now takes the form of 
race prejudice. The phenomenon is seen in the anti-foreign 
waves which have swept over China at different times. It is 
equally seen in the attitude of the earlier immigrants to the 
United States toward later comers. The Irish were among 
the first to feel the effects; then as they became fairly es¬ 
tablished and the older stock became used to them and 
no longer regarded them as intruders, the animosity was trans¬ 
ferred to southern Europeans, especially to the Italians; later 
the immigrants from eastern and southeastern Europe became 
the suspected and feared party. And strikingly enough it has 
usually been the group which had previously been the object 
of hostile feelings which has been most active in opposing the 
newcomers, conferring upon them contemptuous nicknames if 
not actually abusing them.— John Dewey. “Racial Prejudice 
and Friction,” The Chinese Social and Political Science Re¬ 
view, March, 1922, pp. 4, 5. 

(The above is in no sense a complete explanation of the 
original basis of race prejudice. —Editor’s note.) 

19 


Because racial difficulties do grow so largely out of mental 
attitudes, the problem, insofar as there is one, is a problem in 
racial thinking. 

We discovered that by bringing intelligent colored and white 
men together in frank discussion this chasm between them 
could be bridged. . . . The work of the Commission on Inter¬ 
racial Cooperation has been to try to build a bridge across the 
gulf that exists between the intelligent white men and intelli¬ 
gent Negroes. There are eight hundred counties in the South 
that have ten per cent or more of Negro population. We sent 
a white man and a colored man into each one of those com¬ 
munities to study the general situation and discover who were 
the leaders of the two races, and if there were men in each 
group who had the confidence of both races. 

This very interesting thing developed: White men that 
white believe in are as a rule the white men that Negroes be¬ 
lieve in. Negroes that honest, intelligent white men believe in 
are the Negroes that intelligent Negroes believe in. There 
is no mystery here. Soon we began to discover that in many 
of the communities we could bring these men together—get 
them to sit down and talk over the local situation—and that 
out of that very conversation itself grew a better race atti¬ 
tude. . . . Whenever men set themselves to work to correct in¬ 
justices and wrongs the step resulted in better race relation¬ 
ships.—W. W. Alexander. The New Inter-Race Relations in 
the South. 

We all believe this in the abstract but do we practice it in the 
concrete? If the Indian calls upon us, do we, as to an equal, 
return his call? The pastor comes to see us, do we equally go 
to his humble home? Is our home and our table open to all 
alike without distinction of race? Do we ofifer a chair to an 
Indian as to the foreigner? Do we keep the Indian waiting our 
convenience, or show him the same consideration as a European ? 
In conversation, discussion or debate do we encourage an equal 
freedom of speech and expression of opinion when it is con¬ 
trary to our own ? Lord Willingdon who has been con¬ 
spicuously successful in helping to solve the race problem in 
Bombay, says, “Fifty per cent of the bitterness and ill-feeling 
will disappear if we can improve our social relationships with 
Indians.” A cup of cold water or a cup of tea may be a very 
small thing but if it is an expression of love and friendly 
intercourse it may help to solve a very great problem.— George 
Sherwood Eddy. — The Problem of Race Relationship, p. 8. 

20 


Race distinctions are not based fundamentally upon the 
feeling by one race of superiority to the other, but are rather 
the outgrowth of race consciousness. If Negroes were in every 
way equally advanced with white people, race distinctions 
would probably be even more pronounced than now; because, 
in addition to physical differentiation, there would be the 
rivalry of equally matched races. Thus, the widespread preju¬ 
dice entertained by Gentiles toward Jews, resulting in actual, 
if not legal, distinctions, is due, not to any notion that Jews 
are intellectually or morally inferior to any people, but to a 
race consciousness which each possesses.— Gilbert T. Ste¬ 
phenson. Race Distinctions in American Law, pp. 353, 354. 

Anti-Semitism is a chronic aspect of Christian history. It 
becomes acute during social crises and subsides in pros¬ 
perity. . . . Why are the Jews the perennial devil of the 
piece ? 

The answer lies in the Christian religion itself, in the 
status which Christianity assigns to the Jews and the burden 
it sets and binds on them. In the Christian system, then, the 
Jews are assigned a central and dramatic status. They are 
the villains of the drama of salvation. 

Attitudes that Sunday Schools the world over impart auto¬ 
matically to children at five may be deep buried and forgotten 
at five and fifty, but they are not extirpated, nor translated. 
They make a subsoil of preconceptions upon which other in¬ 
terests are nourished and from which they gather strength. 

If you can end this teaching that the Jews are the enemies 
of God and of mankind you will strike anti-Semitism at its 
foundations.— Horace M. Kallen. “The Roots of Anti- 
Semitism,” Nation, Feb. 28, 1923, pp. 240-242. 

The mental antipathies of men, like the fears of men, 
are very elemental, widespread, and momentous mental phe¬ 
nomena. But they are also in their fundamental nature ex¬ 
tremely capricious, and extremely suggestible mental phe¬ 
nomena. Let an individual man alone, and he will feel anti¬ 
pathies for certain other human beings very much as any 
young child does—namely, quite capriciously—just as he will 
also feel all sorts of capricious likings for people. But train 
a man first to give names to his antipathies and then to re¬ 
gard the antipathies thus named as sacred merely because they 
have a name, and then you get the phenomena of racial hatred, 
of religious hatred, or class hatred, and so on indefinitely. 

21 


Such trained hatreds are peculiarly pathetic and peculiarly 
deceitful, because they combine in such a subtle way the ele¬ 
mental vehemence of the hatred that a child may feel for a 
stranger, or a cat for a dog, with the appearance of dignity 
and solemnity and even of duty which a name gives. Such 
antipathies will always play their part in human history. But 
what we can do about them is to try not to be fooled by them, 
not to take them too seriously because of their mere name. 
We can remember that they are childish phenomena in our 
lives, phenomena on a level with a dread of snakes, or of 
mice; phenomena that we share with the cats and with the 
dogs, not noble phenomena, but caprices of our complex nature. 

Hence whatever contact, conflict, or mutual influence the 
races of men have had in the past, we find today more ways 
and places in which men find themselves in the presence of 
alien races, with whom they have to learn to live in the same 
social order. 

This is the problem of dealing with the men who seem to us 
somehow very widely different from ourselves, in physical con¬ 
stitution, in temperament, in all their deeper nature, so that 
we are tempted to think of them as natural strangers to our 
souls, while nevertheless we find that they are stubbornly there 
in our world, and that they are men as much determined to live 
as we are, and are men who, in turn, find us as incom¬ 
prehensible as we find them. Of these diverse races, what 
ones are the superior and what ones are the inferior races? 
What race or races ought to rule? What ones ought to yield 
to their natural masters? To which one of these races has 
God, or nature, or destiny, ordained the rightful and final 
sovereignty of the earth? Which of these types of men is 
really the human type ? Are they by their presence and their 
rivalry essentially perilous to one another’s interests? And if 
so, what one amongst them is there whose spread, or whose in¬ 
crease in power or in number, is most perilous to the true 
cause of civilization?— Josiah Royce. “Race Questions and 
Race Prejudices,” International Journal of Ethics, April, 1906, 
pp. 47-50. 

1 he very soul of the toiling, sweating black man is darkened 
by the shadow of a vast despair. Men call the shadow preju¬ 
dice, and learnedly explain it as the natural defense of culture 
against barbarism, learning against ignorance, purity against 
crime, the “higher” against the “lower” races. To which the 
Negro cries Amen! and swears that to so much of this 

22 


strange prejudice as is founded on just homage to civiliza¬ 
tion, culture, righteousness, and progress, he humbly bows and 
meekly gives obeisance. But before that nameless prejudice 
that leaps beyond all this he stands helpless, dismayed, and 
well-nigh speechless; before that personal disrespect and 
mockery, the ridicule and systematic humiliation, the distor¬ 
tion of fact and wanton license of fancy, the cynical ignoring 
of the better and the boisterous welcoming of the worse, the 
all-pervading desire to inculcate disdain for everything black, 
from Toussaint to the devil,—before this there rises a sicken¬ 
ing despair that would disarm and discourage any nation save 
the black host to whom “discouragement” is an unwritten word. 
—W. E. B. Du Bois. The Souls of Black Folk, p. 10. 

Racial discrimination is a bad thing, but an indiscriminate 
reaction against it may also be a bad thing. For, as I have 
tried to bring out, the question is not primarily one of race at 
all, but of the adjustment of different types of culture to one 
another. These differences of culture include not only dif¬ 
ferences of speech, manner, religion, moral codes, each one 
of which is pregnant with causes of misunderstanding and 
friction, but also differences of political organization and habits 
and national rivalries. They include also economic and in¬ 
dustrial differences involving differences in planes or stan¬ 
dards of daily life on the part of the masses. What is called 
race prejudice is not then the cause of friction. It is rather 
a product and sign of the friction which is generated by these 
other deep-seated causes. Like other social effects it becomes 
in turn a cause of further consequences; especially it intensifies 
and exasperates the other sources of friction. But the culti¬ 
vated person who thinks that what is termed racial friction 
will disappear if other persons only attain his own state of 
enlightenment and emancipation from prejudice misjudges the 
whole situation. Such a state of mind is important for it is 
favorable to bringing about more fundamental changes in 
political and economic relationships. But except as it takes 
effect in modifying social organizations it will always prove 
impotent in any crisis, to prevent racial friction. 

For, I repeat, this friction is not primarily racial. Race is 
a sign, a symbol, which bears much the same relation to the 
actual forces which cause friction that a national flag bears 
to the emotions and activities which it symbolizes, condensing 
them into visible and tangible form. . . . The various 
parts of the world are now in such close contact with one 

23 


another that it is very difficult for the world to endure in a 
condition of stable equilibrium as long as there are rival po¬ 
litical cultures and aims operating within it. Universal dis¬ 
armament would be a more powerful factor in soothing race 
prejudice than any amount of enlightenment of cultivated 
persons can be. Economic competition between countries, the 
race for raw materials and markets, would still, however, exist. 
With free immigration of the laboring classes habituated to 
long hours of work, to low standards of living and to ab¬ 
stinence in expenditures, the economic cause of friction would 
continue. Whether one accepts the socialistic doctrine or not, 
the fact that ever since the manifesto of ’48 socialism has been 
theoretically international is a most significant fact. To my 
mind the statement that industrial workers in different coun¬ 
tries have interests in common which bind them together 
against their employers more closely than other ties connect 
them to their fellow citizens, is far from the truth. But the 
propagation of the doctrine is none the less a striking manifesta¬ 
tion of the importance of the economic factor in present in¬ 
ternational jealousies and rivalries. It is a recognition all 
the more significant because indirect that only by profound 
economic readjustments can racial friction be done away with. 

The problem of the mutual adjustment to one another of 
distinct cultures, each having its roots deep in the past is 
not an easy one at the best. It is not a task to be approached 
in either an off-hand or a querulous mood. And the present 
moment the situation is not at its best; we may hope in fact 
that it is at its worst. For the war has churned up and 
brought to the surface all the passions and racial feeling is 
now in its most exacerbated state. There is need for time to 
do its work and for patience in the work of general recon¬ 
struction. And until this work has attained a definite point, 
it is, I think, to the interest of all concerned, that unrestricted 
contact through immigration and by similar activities should 
not take place. The world needs rest and recuperation. If 
the west could export some of its surplus restlessness in ex¬ 
change for some of the patience and endurance, the power to 
wait, of the Chinese, the exchange of commodities would be an 
advantage to both sides.— John Dewey. “Racial Prejudice 
and Friction,” The Chinese Social and Political Science Re¬ 
view, March, 1922, pp. 15-17. 


24 


Additional Reference Sources 

The Negro Faces America . H. J. Seligman. Pp. 1-197. 

Democracy and Race Friction. J. M. Mecklin. Pp. 123-156. 

Black and White in the Southern States. Maurice Evans. Pp. 17-34. 
The Future in America. H. G. Wells. Pp. 185-202. 

The Mind of Primitive Man. Franz Boas. Pp. 11-29. 

Darkwater. W. E. B. Du Bois. Pp. 3-52. 

The Rising Tide of Color. Lothrop Stoddard. Pp. 3-16. 

The Negro Problem. Julia Johnson. Pp. 59-166. 

The Voice of the Negro. Robert T. Kerling. Pp. 31-50; 75-125. 
Race Prejudice and Friction. John Dewey. Chinese Social and Po¬ 
litical Science Review, March, 1922. Pp. 1-17. 

Race Prejudice in the Far East. Melville Stone. National Geo¬ 
graphic Magazine, Dec. 1910. Pp. 973-985. 

The New Negro. Rollin Lynde Hartt. Independent, Jan. 15, 1921. 
Ku Klux Klan Revival. Frank R. Stockbridge. Current History 
Magazine, April 1921. Pp. 19-25. 

Problem of the American Negro. Franz Boas. Yale Review, Jan. 

1921. Pp. 384-95. 

Some Notes on Color. Jessie Fauset. The World Tomorrow, March, 

1922. 

The Poison of Race Prejudice. Edward T. Ware. The World To¬ 
morrow, March, 1922. 

The Menace of Race Hatred. Herbert Seligman. Harper’s Monthly, 
March, 1920. Pp. 537-43. 


25 


Ill: What is the responsibility of 
a highly developed race toward 
one less highly developed? 

1. Is any form of rule of a backward race by an advanced 
race ever justified? 

Note. It is suggested that this discussion take the form of a 
symposium or a debate using the three concrete situations in India, 
Africa, and the United States, outlined below, as furnishing the 
material on which the discussion or debate may be based. The rule of 
the Philippine Islands by the United States, and the rule of the 
East Indies by the Dutch, also might profitably be discussed, but 
the usual limitations of time under which most student discussion 
groups work has led to the giving of a bibliography and questions 
only on the three concrete situations which seemed most likely to 
prove of interest to a large number of students. If only one 
session on the subject is feasible, any one discussion group may 
find it advisable to confine its search to but one of the three situa¬ 
tions suggested. To discuss one situation with some thoroughness 
will probably prove more enlightening than to attempt to cover 
the three situations with a few broad generalizations not supported 
by definite facts. 

If all three can be studied, it is suggested that at least six 
of the group be chosen well in advance to present the data. Let 
two study especially the situation in India, two the South African 
situation, and two the domination of the black man in America by 
the whites. Let one member of each group of two, present the 
facts which might support the justification of the rule of the 
advanced race and let the other present the facts which might 
lead to the justification of complete independence. Whether or 
not the discussion is called a debate or a symposium, it is important 
that the purpose of the speakers should be to aid in the search 
for the truth through the strongest possible presentation of variant 
points of view and through a consideration of a wide range of 
significant facts rather than to win in an argument. 

It may help to make the discussion more pertinent if the 
group, before studying or discussing any of the three 
situations, asks the question —On what basis should we 
judge the value of the rule of a backward race by an ad - 
vanced race? The following questions are suggested with 
the thought that they may prove helpful to the group in 
the process of formulating the principles on which it 
should base its judgment. 


26 


(a) If the rule of a backward race by an advanced race 
is to be justified, which race should benefit as a 
result of the rule? Is the progress of one race more 
important than that of the other? 

(b) Who has the moral right to decide which race is the 
more advanced? On what basis should its superior 
advancement be judged? 

(c) If a race accepts the rule of another race how does 
this affect the responsibilities of the ruling race? 

(d) Does the fact that one race has successfully con¬ 
quered another justify rule by the victors? Or how 
far, if at all, would the method by which the more ad¬ 
vanced race has secured its pozver influence your 
judgment? 

(e) What are the really great temptations which come to 
an advanced race ruling another race which for the 
time being is not so advanced? 

(f) What relative weight should be given to the right 
or the need of a backzvard race for self-development 
through self-determination and what weight to the 
preservation of the more advanced civilization? How 
far should the more advanced civilization be sacrificed 
for the sake of the more backward race? Would 
you justify the exploitation of the persons and the 
resources of a backward race for the benefit of the 
advanced civilization? Would you justify the humilia¬ 
tion or the overthrow of a backward race through 
economic pressure or through war, if these gave the 
higher civilization a better chance? 

Would international supervision of backward races 
through the League or other means insure fuller op¬ 
portunities for self-expression and development? 

2. Rule of India by the British. 

How did Great Britain secure her power in India? 

In what ways has Great Britain exploited the East Indians 
for her own benefit? 

In what ways has India benefited through British rule? 
For just what is the Nationalist Party in India struggling? 
What are the grounds on which they base dissatisfaction 
with British rule? 

On what grounds do the British base refusal to grant all 
the privileges which the extreme Indian Nationalists seek? 

27 


What evidences of weakness or greatness in each race is 
being revealed in the struggle between them? 

How might Great Britain rule India so that the rela¬ 
tionship of ruler and subject would develop the best in 
each race? 

3. The rule of parts of Africa by nations of the white race. 
What parts of Africa are now under the rule of the white 
man ? 

Which nations are the rulers? 

How did these nations gain their power? 

How does the status of the African natives differ in dif¬ 
ferent colonies—socially, economically, politically, education¬ 
ally ? 

In which of these colonies is there the least friction 
between the two races? 

How does the white man justify to himself his right to 
rule the black man in Africa? Are these reasons valid? 
In your judgment do the real reasons differ from these? 
Would it be better for the black man in Africa to be en¬ 
tirely free from the rule of the white man? Or would 
some other form of rule by the white man be better still? 
If so, what kind of rule? 

4. The status of the Negro in America. 

Do the majority of Negro citizens of the United States, 
whom you know or in your state, enjoy all the rights and 
privileges which belong to citizenship? 

What laws, if any, exist in your state which discriminate 
against the Negro curtailing his political, social, economic 
or educational opportunities? 

What reasons can a state offer justifying such discrimi¬ 
nation ? 

What has been the effect on the Negro of these restrictions 
to his liberty? 

What would be the effect on the Negro if, where restric¬ 
tions do exist, he were given the full rights of citizen¬ 
ship? What would be the effect on the country? 

For those states where Negroes are in the majority can 
you suggest any arrangement which would afford them 
adequate political representation and at the same time 
would safeguard the interests and cultural values of the 
white community? 


28 


Reference Material 

A—India 

Britain has governed India now for many years: in some 
parts for two hundred years; elsewhere for a hundred years; 
and even in the Punjab she has seen three generations pass 
away, and scarcely anyone who knew native independent rule 
is now left. During all these years she has directly or through 
native Princes preserved peace and order throughout the 
length and breadth of the country—eighteen hundred and three 
thousand square miles of dense population—and has carried 
through the best piece of police work on a large scale which 
has ever been known in the history of the world. The borders 
of India have never been seriously attacked through all these 
years, and, except for brief periods and local outbursts of 
disorder, a dweller or a wayfarer in India, whether English¬ 
man or native of the country, has been safer than in any 
European country. 

Thirty-seven thousand miles of railway have been made; 
canals have been constructed to irrigate twenty-seven million 
acres of what was often desert land; ten universities have been 
opened and a network of schools has been spread over the 
country. Western surgery and medical treatment are now 
within the reach of all who need them. Immense quantities 
of private capital, mostly British, have been invested in rail¬ 
ways, coal mines, tea gardens, cotton mills, jute mills, woolen 
mills, and recently even in steel factories. Foreign business 
houses and banks have been established all over the country; 
they have opened the markets of the world to the produce of 
India, and have enabled her to buy on credit from the ends 
of the earth.—W. S. Hamilton. “India’s Revolt Against 
Christian Civilization,” Hibbcrt Journal, Vol. 20, 1921-22, 
p. 447. 

It is a fine conception—the British Empire as a partnership 
of nations (each completely free) associated together by a com¬ 
mon ideal of freedom, irrespective of race, religion or 
color. . . . Will it succeed? 

For success the first necessity is consistency and sincerity in 
the effort. A paper constitution and scrupulous attention to 
the details of the constitution cannot be successful unless the 
spirit of partnership grows in and pervades the whole of our 
relationship with India. For instance, it is inconsistent with 
the spirit of partnership that there should be any sphere or 

29 



branch of activity for which a man or woman is disqualified 
because he or she is an Indian. A suitable or fitting Indian 
must be as welcome as a suitable or fitting Englishman to any 
position in the Indian Commonwealth. . . . For this reason 
I appointed, with the King’s willing approval, Lord Sinha 
to be the first Indian under-secretary of state in the British 
government, and subsequently I appointed him to be the first 
Indian governor of an Indian province. Before the war and 
during a large part of the war, the message that England 
gave to India was this: “Send us your fighting men. We will 
avail ourselves of their services as privates and non-com¬ 
missioned officers in the Indian army; but whatever gifts of 
leadership are developed, whatever gallantry is shown on the 
field of battle, for the commissioned ranks of the army of 
India, paid for by Indian money and recruited for the defense 
of India, we will have none but Englishmen.” That message 
was not in harmony with partnership; it implied a race re¬ 
striction which was inconsistent with the declared goal; and my 
colleagues and I decided to open the ranks of the commissioned 
officers of the Indian army to suitable Indians. It seems to 
me absolutely essential for success that, wherever there still 
exist prohibitions or limitations of Indian effort because of 
race, those limitations must be removed. We must demon¬ 
strate that we are sincere in our offer of partnership; but, 
on the other hand, much is wanted of the Indians, too. They 
must not forget the extraordinary difficulty of devising a self- 
governing constitution for a country so vast as India, in¬ 
habited by so many different kinds of races and of creeds, and 
of such diverse development and civilization. The worst 
enemy of India is the man who would so hasten progress that 
failure might result.—E. S. Montagu. “Self-Government 
for India,” Asia, March 1923, pp. 161, 162. 

On August 20, 1917, Mr. Secretary Montagu made the fol¬ 
lowing announcement:— 

“The policy of His Majesty’s Government, with which the 
Government of India is in full accord, is that of the increas¬ 
ing association of Indians in every branch of administration 
and the gradual development of self-governing institutions, 
with a view to the progressive realization of responsible gov¬ 
ernment in India as an integral part of the British Empire. 
They have decided that substantial steps in this direction 
should be taken as soon as possible.” 

It was in pursuit of the policy outlined in this epoch-making 

30 


announcement that the project of constitutional reform which 
goes by the name of the “Montagu-Chelmsford scheme," was 
prepared, examined, liberalized, and submitted to Parliament, 
and was finally to be brought into operation as from the first 
of January, 1921. Briefly, this reform scheme concedes pro¬ 
vincial autonomy to the Indian provinces; hands over to the 
Indian control of those nation-building departments—Educa¬ 
tion, Industries, Sanitation, and the like—upon which the fu¬ 
ture of India depends; gives to Indians, provided only that 
they use it rightly, the power to carry on, almost unfettered, 
the everyday government of their own country, merely re¬ 
taining in the hands of the present administration such reserve 
authority as will enable it to interfere with effect should the 
peace, order, and security of India be seriously threatened, 
whether by malice or by incompetence. The magnitude of the 
change that has come over the attitude of the British people 
between 1908 and 1917 is comparable only to that change of 
spirit in India itself. . . . Probably chief among the factors 
that have wrought this miracle—for miracle it is—in the 
quickening alike of Indian aspirations and of the British de¬ 
termination to satisfy them to the largest possible degree, must 
be reckoned the world-war.—L. F. Rushbrook-Williams. 
“The Nationalist Spirit of India. Atlantic Monthly, April, 
1921, pp. 551, 552. 

The strongest ground upon which British Indians can take 
their stand is, of course, found in the pledges of British 
statesmen, the most recent and, in many ways, the most 
authoritative of which was the principle accepted by the Con¬ 
ference of Prime Ministers (with the exception of South 
Africa) in August, 1921, as stated by Mr. Churchill:— 

“I think there is only one ideal that the British Empire can 
set before itself in this regard, and that is that there should 
be no barrier of race, colour, or creed which should prevent 
any man by merit from reaching any station if he is fitted 
for it. At any rate, I do not feel able to adopt any lesser 
statement of principle in regard to the Colonies, but such a 
principle has to be very carefully and gradually applied, because 
intense local feelings are excited, and there is no doubt that 
extraordinary social stresses arise when populations are in¬ 
timately mingled in some of these new countries and brought 
into severe economic competition." 

The principle of citizenship as then laid down and accepted 
by all the Dominions except South Africa was the voice of 

31 


British statecraft. The League of Nations has declared for 
the same principle, and it has been adopted in the adjoining 
mandated territories under the Belgian and British Mandate. 
—John H. Harris. “The Christian Church and the Colour 
Bar," Contemporary Review, June, 1923, p. 708. 

The white portion of the British Empire is almost unani¬ 
mously opposed to opening its borders to Asiatics. India, 
e.g., whose wealth and man-power have played a considerable 
part in the building-up of this Empire, is forbidden access to 
four-fifths of that same Empire outside India. In Australia, 
in New Zealand, in Canada, in South Africa, the Indian is 
regarded as “inferior” by the white population, and is either 
refused admission to those countries or accepted under hu¬ 
miliating conditions. And the East, far more than the West, 
needs room for expansion. Thus the race problem, which 
most Englishmen regard with hazy indifference, is to India 
a problem of great urgency, and as important on its spiritual 
as on its economic side. S. E. Stokes, in his “National Self- 
Realization,” makes this warning: 

“At the time of the American Civil War, Abraham Lincoln 
declared: ‘This nation cannot exist half slave, half free. . . 
That declaration is also true of this Empire. Politically and 
socially, its various parts must be equal if it is to survive. 
Either get the Colonies to throw open their doors to their 
Indian fellow-subjects, giving them exactly the same civil 
and political rights as they enjoy themselves, throw open to 
Indians, as to other British subjects, the doors of opportunity 
throughout the length and breadth of the Empire; free them 
from all the social disabilities that they suffer as Asiatics 
away from their own shores; or know well that, in trying to 
keep India as a part of it, you are preparing the destruction 
of the Empire.”— Wilfred Wellock. India's Awakening, 
pp. 31, 32. 

We may rightly claim that our British race has to its credit 
an unrivalled record as rulers of primitive and semi-barbarous 
peoples, and also of those who, though having like the Indians, 
a great civilization of their own, had sunk, when we first 
came into contact with them, into a hopeless welter of domestic 
strife and misrule. So long as we can treat such peoples as 
children, all the best qualities of our race, our instincts of 
justice and fairplay, our natural kindliness, our sense of 
responsibility as trustees of the material welfare of all those 
committed to our care, find full and congenial scope. Our 

32 


difficulties begin when those children grow up and, claiming 
the benefits of everything that we have ourselves taught them, 
ask to be released from our leading strings and to be treated 
as equals. 

That is where the trouble begins, for the claim to equality, 
though we may be willing to admit in principle, conflicts with 
the racial pride which is undoubtedly one of the defects of our 
qualities.— Sir Valentine Chirol. “Social Relations and 
Race Feeling.” Outward Bound, August, 1923, p. 804. 

Gandhi, addressing the English: 

“I have no objection to your remaining in my country, but, 
although you are the rulers, you will have to remain as servants 
of the people. It is not we who have to do as you wish, but 
it is you who have to do as we wish. You may keep the 
riches that you have drained away from this land, but you 
may not drain riches henceforth. ... You must abandon 
the idea of deriving any commercial benefit from us. We 
hold the civilization that you support to be the reverse of 
civilization. We consider our civilization to be far superior 
to yours. If you realise this truth it will be to your advantage. 

. . . We consider your schools and law courts to be useless. 
We want our own schools and courts to be restored. The 
common language of India is not English but Hindu. You 
should, therefore, learn it. We can hold communication with 
you only in our national language. We cannot tolerate the 
idea of your spending money on railways and the military. 
We see no occasion for either. You may fear Russia; we do 
not. When she comes we will look after her. ... If you are 
with us, we will then receive her jointly. We do not need any 
European cloth. ... You may not keep one eye on Man¬ 
chester and the other on India. We can work together only if 
our interests are identical. You have great military resources. 
Your naval power is matchless. You may, if you like, cut 
us to pieces. You may shatter us at the cannon’s mouth. If 
you act contrary to our will, we will not help you, and, without 
our help, we know that you cannot move one step forward. It 
is likely that you will laugh at all this in the intoxication of 
your power. ... You will see shortly that your intoxication 
is suicidal. . . . We believe that, at heart, you belong to 
a religious nation. ... If you will abandon your so-called 
civilization, and search into your own Scriptures, you will 
find that our demands are just.”— Wilfred Wellock. India's 
Awakening, pp. 29, 30. 


33 


B—Africa 

The mass of the European population in South Africa 
knows very little about the situation. Its imagination has 
been captured by the loose use of that blessed word “segre¬ 
gation,” so that it now declares that segregation is the policy 
of South Africa, by which it understands that a place will 
be found somewhere for the native far enough away to pre¬ 
vent his mixing or competing with the Europeans, but not so 
far away that he cannot return periodically to do their rough 
manual labour .—London Times, April 24, 1923. 

For four hundred years white Europe traded in the black 
human beings of Africa and robbed her of one hundred 
million of her people, “transformed the face of her social life, 
overthrew organized government, distorted ancient industry, 
and snuffed out the lights of cultural development.” Today in¬ 
stead of removing laborers from Africa to distant slavery, 
industry built on a new slavery approaches Africa to de¬ 
prive the natives of their land, to force them to toil and to reap 
all the profit for the white world. 

A recent law of the Union of South Africa assigns nearly 
two hundred and fifty million acres of the best of native’s 
land to a million and a half of whites and leaves thirty-six 
million of acres of swamp and marsh for four and a half 
million blacks. In Rhodesia over ninety million acres have 
been practically confiscated. In the Belgian Congo all the land 
was declared the property of the state.—London Times, Mav 
1, and April 24, 1923. 

By the Land Act of 1913 passed by white men in the Orange 
Free State the black man is not allowed to hire land, or even 
to contract with a white man to plough it on half shares. 
He is literally a serf, landless, unable to rent land, a hired 
servant of the Dutchman.—D. D. T. Jabavu. The Black 
Problem, p. 13. 

The present condition of Native education in the Union is 
one of chaos, for while at the Cape and Natal there are signs 
of organization to improve things, there is nothing of the sort 
being done in I ransvaal and the Free State. Natives here 
have a just grievance. They see the Government spending 
lavishly in putting up majestic educational edifices for Euro- 
pean primary, secondary and University education staffed by 
highly paid teachers, while they have to be satisfied with hav- 

34 


ing their children taught in mission rooms with walls dilapi¬ 
dated and furniture rough and scanty, teachers receiving 
miserable pittances, so miserable that a raw and illiterate Zulu 
policeman in Durban today gets better pay than the best paid 
Zulu school teacher. Provincial grants to Native education are 
very tiny by comparison with those for white schools and 
infinitesimal as compared with the enormous revenue derived 
from Native taxation. There is no pension for a Native 
teacher in Natal.—D. D. T. Jabavu. The Black Problem, pp. 
13-14. 

Are the peoples of Africa to be treated as land owning 
communities? Or is native tenure in land to be swept away? 
That is the fundamental issue, because in that issue is involved 
the destinies of the African peoples, and the whole character 
of the future relations of the African peoples with the outer 
world. As it is resolved, so will the African peoples develop 
along lines of freedom, or along lines of serfdom. As it is 
resolved, so will the white peoples be acting as trustees for 
their black wards or as exploiters of black labour.—E. D. 
Morel. The Black Man's Burden, p. 167. 

If the relations of Europe and Africa are to change, the 
beliefs and desires of Europeans in Africa and in regard to 
Africans must change. . . . The “native” is no longer to be 
regarded as the “live stock” on Europe’s African estate, as 
the market for the shoddy of our factories and our cheap 
gin, or as “cheap labour” by means of which the concession¬ 
aires may supply Europe with rubber and ivory and himself 
with a fortune, but as a human being with a right to his own 
land and his own life, with a right even to be educated and to 
determine his own destiny, to be considered, in that fantastic 
scheme of human government which men have woven over 
the world, an end in himself, rather than an instrument to 
other people’s ends.— Leonard Woolf. Empire and Commerce 
in Africa, p. 359. 


C—America 

It is impossible to say how many persons have been dis¬ 
franchised under the suffrage laws. No doubt many who 
are capable of satisfying the qualifications do not register, or, 
if they register, do not vote. This is probably due to the one- 
party system in the South. The following figures show either 

35 


the extent of actual disfranchisement or the political apathy in 
the Southern States: In one county in Mississippi, with a 
population of about 8000 whites and 11,700 Negroes in 1900, 
there were only twenty-five or thirty qualified Negro voters 
in 1908, the rest being disqualified, it is said, on the educa¬ 
tional test. In another county with 30,000 Negroes, only about 
175 were registered voters. In still another county of 
Mississippi with 8000 whites and 12,000 Negroes, only 400 
white men and about thirty Negroes are qualified electors. The 
clerk of court of a county in North Carolina, with a population 
of 5700 whites and 6700 Negroes, writes that a Negro has 
never voted in the county. As a general rule, taking the country 
at large, about one person in five is a male of voting age. 
In Iowa four out of five possible voters have actually voted 
in the last four elections; in Georgia, a state of nearly the 
same population, the proportion is one to six. In Mississippi, 
in 1916, only one out of eighteen males of voting age actually 
voted; in Georgia one out of fifteen. In a district in 
Mississippi with a population of 190,885, 2091 votes were cast 
for the Representative, John Sharp Williams, in 1916; in a 
district in Connecticut with a population of 247,875, 46,425 
votes were cast for Representative Litchfield. These figures 
show that the ratio of actual voters to population in 
the Southern States is astoundingly smaller than in other 
States. —Gilbert T. Stephenson. Race Distinctions in 
American Law, pp. 320, 321. 

The Negro question permeates every phase of Southern 
thinking. . . It drugs Alabama’s educational system. How can it 
be otherwise, when a typical Black Belt county spends $17.35 
on each white pupil and ninety cents on each colored pupil? 
It determines Alabama’s economic thinking. The pei capita 
wealth of the Southern white is $885; that of the Negro 
is $34 or one twenty-fifth as much. It splits the labor move¬ 
ment. Shall Negroes be admitted into the Unions, and how; 
and, if not, what about strike time?— Clement Wood. 
“Alabama: a Study in Ultra-Violet,” Nation, Jan. 10, 1923, 
pp. 33-34. 

In those places where the Negro has achieved political 
equality with white men, that freedom still does not give him 
industrial equality. The Negro student of law, the univer¬ 
sity graduate, too often is free to vote in the same booth with 
the white man, but must seek employment as a Pullman porter. 

Herbert J. Seligman. The Negro Faces America, p. 21. 

36 


Little Sammy Lincoln Lee is jest as black as he kin be, 
an’ he is pitchin fer our nine ’cause we don’t draw no color 
line. Sam’s got de coives; he’s got de speed dat always keeps 
us in de lead, so we don’t mind if he is black an’ lives down 
by det railroad track. 

Las’ week he strikes out fifteen guys, an’ makes the rest 
hit pop-up flies. He’s got a shine-ball dat’s immense, an’ when 
he t’rows dere ain’t no dents put in it we’en dey swings dere 
clubs; Sam makes dem look like busher-dubs. 

But dere’s de pity of it all—w’en Sammy grows up big 
an’ tall, he won’t be on no big league club, not even on de 
bench as sub, ’cause big league players must be white, an’ 
Sammy Lee is black as night. 

Las’ Sunday, me an’ Sammy seen a big league battle played 
between de Panthers an’ de Kangaroos, an’ little Sammy got de 
blues, fer as we watched it from a tree, he’s puzzled an’ he 
says ter me, “Where is de colored players at? I ain’t see one 
go up ter bat!” So Billy Briggs an’ me jest dream an’ 
wonder if dere ain’t some scheme to change Sam’s color, 
black as tar, an’ make him white like us kids are.— George 
Moriarity. Ballads of Baseball, quoted in The Crisis, April, 
1922. 

It is the call of patriotism, however, that America should 
realize that the Negro has peculiar gifts which need all 
possible cultivation and which will some day add to the 
glory of the country. Already his music is recognized as the 
most distinctive that the United States has yet produced. The 
possibilities of the race in literature and oratory, in sculpture 
and painting, are illimitable. 

What kind of Negroes do the American people want? 
That they must have the Negro in some relation is no longer 
a question of serious debate. What kind of Negroes do the 
American people want? Do they want a voteless Negro in a 
republic founded upon universal suffrage? Do they want a 
Negro who shall not be permitted to participate in the gov¬ 
ernment which he must support with his treasure and defend 
with his blood? Do they want a Negro who shall consent to 
be set aside as forming a distinct industrial class, permitted to 
rise no higher than the level of serfs or peasants? Do they 
want a Negro who shall accept an inferior social position, 
not as a degradation, but as the just operation of the laws of 
caste based on color? Do they want a Negro who will avoid 
friction between the races by consenting to occupy the place 

37 



to which white men may choose to assign him? What kind 
of a Negro do the American people want? . . . 

The Negro goes quietly about his work. He has picked 
cotton and pulled fodder, scrubbed floors and washed win¬ 
dows, fired engines and dipped turpentine. He is not quite 
content, however, to be simply the doormat of American 
Civilization. Twelve million people are ceasing to accept 
slander and insult without protest. They have heard about 
freedom, justice, and happiness, though these things seemed 
not for them. They can not quite see the significance of fight¬ 
ing for outraged Belgians or Americans so long as the rights 
of citizens at home are violated. In the words of Foraker, 
“They ask no favors because they are Negroes, but only jus¬ 
tice because they are men.”— Benjamin Brawley. Your 
Negro Neighbor, p. 9. 


Additional Reference Sources 

India’s Awakening. Wilfred Wellock 

Speeches and Writings of M. K. Gandhi. Pp. 225-241; 440-593. 

India’s Silent Revolution. Fred B. Fisher. Pp. 166-192. 

India in World Politics. Taraknath Das. 

The Revolt of the East. Bernard Houghton. 

The Indian Problem. C. F. Andrews. 

Race Problems in the New Africa. W. C. Willoughby. 

Empire and Coymnerce in Africa. Leonard Woolf. Pp. 315-368. 

The Future of Africa. Donald Fraser. 

The Partition of Africa. C. P. Lucas. Pp. 100-207. 

Darkwater. W. E. B. Du Bois. Pp. 56-80; 134-159. 

A Social History ..of the American Negro. Benjamin Brawley. Pp. 
262-335; 37a-376. 

Western Races and the World. Ed. by F. S. Marvin. Pp. 7-26; 
209-248. 

Africa: Slave or Free. John H. Harris. 

Christ and Human Need. Donald Fraser. Pp. 37-46. 

Black ond' White in the Southern States. Maurice Evans. Pp 
147-165. 

Race Distinctions in American Law. G. T. Stephenson. Pp. 102-153. 
Half a Man. M. W. Ovington. 

Britam^ Negro Problem. J. H. Harris. Atlantic Monthly, April 

The World Tomorrow. May 1923 and March 1922. 

Where Freedom is Denied. The World Tomorrow, Oct. 1922. 


IV: In Admitting Immigrants 
Should Discrimination Be Made 
Along Racial Lines? 

This large question of immigration is so very complex and in* 
volved and the facts bearing on it are so massive, that it is sug¬ 
gested that the discussion be centered in the main on the immigration 
problem in so far as it relates to the Asiatic immigrant, unless the 
group is prepared to spend more than two or three sessions on the 
subject. 

Nevertheless, it would be well worth while to introduce the dis¬ 
cussion with a brief consideration of the immigration laws at present 
in force. 

1. The laws applicable to all races. 

(a) The laws restricting immigration and the privileges of 
naturalization. (See pamphlet on Immigration and Naturali¬ 
zation laws published by the Department of Labor at 
Washington.) 

(b) Act of Congress May 10, 1921, Sec. 2. (See Pamphlet 
“Immigration Laws” published by the Department of Labor at 
Washington). The essential features of this law for the pur¬ 
poses of this discussion are as follows: 

“That the number of aliens of any nationality who may 
be admitted under the immigration laws to the United States 
in any fiscal year shall be limited to 3 percentum of the num¬ 
ber of foreign-born persons of such nationality resident in the 
United States as determined by the United States census of 
1910. This provision shall not apply to the following, (5) 
aliens from countries immigration from which is regulated in 
accordance with treaties or agreements relating solely to 
immigration; (6) aliens from the so-called Asiatic barred 
zone, as described in Section 3 of the Immigration Act.” 

Why was the date 1910 chosen from which to reckon 
the three percent quota? 

2. The laws in force at the present time which pertain only 
to Asiatic immigrants. 

(a) Act of Congress Feb. 18, 1875, which in its original form was 
passed in 1790. 

“The provisions of this title (namely the articles concern¬ 
ing naturalization) shall apply to aliens being free white 
persons; and to aliens of African nativity and to persons of 
African descent” 


39 


(b) The preamble to the Burlingame treaty between the United 
Mates and China negotiated in 1868: 

“The United States of America and the Emperor of China 
cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man 
to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual ad¬ 
vantage of the free migration and emigration of their citi¬ 
zens and subjects respectively, from one country to the other 
for the purpose of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent resi- 


(c) Treaty of 1880, between China and the United States. 

“Whereas the Government of the United States, because 

immigration of Chinese laborers 
to the territory of the United States, and the embarrassments 
consequent to such immigration, now desires to negotiate a 
modification of the existing Treaties which shall not be in 
direct contravention of their spirit:_ 

Now, therefore ... the said commissioners plenipotentiary 
' * ' have agreed upon the following articles of modification. ' 

TTnifJj* t Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the 
United States, the coming of Chinese laborers to the United 
States, or their residence therein, affects or threatens to 

order o? e ,h' nterf i tS ° f th3t C °r try - or t0 '"danger ‘he good 

fheren?M h r d country ° r ° { any locality within the territory 
“h th Government of China agrees that the Government 
of the United States may regulate, limit or suspend such com- 
ing or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it The 

susp £ nson shaI1 be reasonable and shall apply 
only to Chinese who may go to the United States as laborers 
other classes not being included in the limitations. Legislation 
taken in regard to Chinese laborers will be of such a character 
only as is necessary to enforce the regulation limitation 
Uhpen si ° n ot immigration, and immigrants shall not be sub¬ 
ject to personal maltreatment or abuse ” 

exSiof of 5? agreement rC ^ ** ° f 

EMI 

(e) Act of Congress, May 6, 1882. Sec. 14. 

shalV C a r dmU r Chme S S e at ?oTtken/hip-“and^alf 1 U " ited S,ates 

with this are hereby repealed.” 22 Stat. L„ COnfllC, 

( f) The Gentlemen's Agreement with Japan, 1907 

grami'g of pls^rts toTb“ ‘° disC0 "' inl ’ e ,he 

40 


(g) The Immigration law following geographical lines passed 
by Congress in 1917. Immigration Laws. Sec. 3. 

“That the following classes of aliens shall be excluded 
from admission to the United States unless otherwise provided 
for by existing treaties, persons who are natives of islands 
not possessed by the United States adjacent to the continent 
of Asia, situated south of the twentieth parallel latitude north, 
west of the one hundred and sixtieth meridian of longitude 
east from Greenwich, and north of the tenth parallel of lati¬ 
tude south, or who are natives of any country, province, or 
dependency situate on the continent of Asia west of the one 
hundred and tenth meridian of longitude east from Greenwich 
and east of the fiftieth meridian of longitude east from 
Greenwich and south of the fiftieth parallel of latitude north, 
except that portion of said territory situate between the 
fiftieth and the sixty-fourth meridians of longitude east from 
Greenwich and the twenty-fourth and thirty-eight parallels of 
latitude north, and no alien now in any way excluded from, or 
prevented from entering, the United States shall be admitted 
to the United States. The provision next foregoing, however, 
shall not apply to persons of the following status or occu¬ 
pations : Government officers, ministers or religious teachers, 
missionaries, lawyers, physicians, chemists, civil engineers, 
teachers, students, authors, artists, merchants, and travellers 
for curiosity or pleasure, nor to their legal wives or their 
children under sixteen years of age who shall accompany them 
or who subsequently may apply for admission to the United 
States, but such persons or their legal wives or foreign-born 
children who fail to maintain in the United States a status 
or occupation placing them within the excepted classes shall be 
deemed to be in the United States contrary to law, and shall 
be subject to deportation as provided in section nineteen of 
this act.” 

(h) The California Alien Land Law. 

This law was adopted by popular referendum at the state 
election November 2, 1920. Although the Jananese are not 
referred to by name in the law, since the Japanese at the 
present time constitute the majority of those aliens in the state 
who by the federal law quoted above are “not eligible to 
citizenship,” it is understood by all concerned that the pur¬ 
pose of the law is to restrict the powers and privileges of 
the Japanese in the State. The main points of the law are 
as follows: 

(1) To prohibit land ownership by Orientals. 

(2) To prohibit leasing of farm land by Orientals. 

(3) To prohibit the acquisition of real property by American- 
born Oriental minors (who are American citizens), under 
the guardianship of their parents. 

(4) To deprive the Oriental parents of their right to be the 
guardians to their minor sons and daughters owning real 
property. 


41 


(5) To prohibit Orientals taking any interest in any 
American company or corporation owning real property. 
(For full law see K. K. Kawakami, The Real Japanese Ques¬ 
tion, Appendix B.) 

How far would the enlarging of the possessions of the 
United States since 1790 and the changes in public opinion 
justify a reconsideration of the law of 1875? 

Just what islands in the Pacific and what parts of Asia 
are included in the geographical immigration law of 1917? 
Why were exceptions made to parts of Asia? 

Historically, how would you explain the fact that there 
never has been proposed in Congress a Slavic or a Jewish 
or a Latin or an African Exclusion bill similar to the 
Chinese exclusion bill? 

3. On what basis, if any, may we justly consider the Asiatic 
immigrant to be an undesirable immigrant and prospective 
citizen ? 

(a) Is or is not the lower economic plane of living among 
Asiatics a reasonable ground for discrimination? 

In what ways, if at all, does cheaper labor harm in¬ 
dustrial conditions in America? 

How far is the American justified in protecting him¬ 
self against natural economic competition? 

How far is culture dependent upon the economic plane 
of living? 

How, if at all, may cheaper labor be beneficial to the 
country ? 

Who have proved themselves the quicker to raise the 
economic plane of their living on coming to this * 
country—the Asiatics or the Europeans ? 

Who are responsible and to what extent—the immi¬ 
grant or the American already in the country—if the 
economic plane of living is not raised to meet our 
standards? What is the moral responsibility of differ¬ 
ent people living on different economic planes? Are 
uniform standards of living between representatives 
of different races desirable? 

(b) Are Asiatics morally undesirable? 

Mr. McClatchy—a strong anti-Japanese politician- 
said that the reasons for special legislation regarding 
the Japanese were “complimentary rather than other¬ 
wise to the Japanese. What did he mean? Are 
these the facts? 


42 


If these are the facts, how would you justify, if at 
all, such facts as worthy reasons for special restric¬ 
tion on Japanese immigration? 

(c) Are the Asiatic's religious beliefs and practices a 
real barrier to Americanization? 

Which groups have proved the more tenacious in 
clinging to their religion—Asiatics or Europeans? 
Should our American tradition against making religion 
a reason for discrimination be continued? 

(d) Are the immigrants from Asia culturally unassimil- 
able? 

Are or are not their cultures inferior to those of 
European immigrants? To those from Africa? 

Which have proved themselves the slower to adopt 
American culture? 

How would our efforts to Americanize immigrants 
from Asia compare with our efforts to Americanize 
the European immigrants? 

How far has the segregation of the Asiatic in spe¬ 
cial communities been the result of his own choice and 
how far has it been necessary for his self-protection? 
Immigration from Asia is now restricted to the few 
who follow those trades and professions which demand 
the higher degree of education. Sixty per cent of the 
immigrants from Europe are unskilled laborers. To 
all the former, the rights of citizenship are denied: to 
the latter, naturalization papers are issued on the 

basis of morality, health, and a meager educational 
requirement. Which of the two classes of immigrants 
would be the better able to appreciate and care for 
our American culture? 

How does our refusal to grant citizenship to any 

Asiatic immigrant affect his motive for assimilation ? 

(e) Is or is not the racial difference between Asiatics 
and Americans a valid reason for considering the 
former as undesirable immigrants and prospective 
citizens? 

Must races assimilate biologically if their members are 
to be desirable co-citizens? 

“Either they will marry and destroy the white race or they 

will be kept from doing so by a caste system which will de¬ 

stroy our democracy.” 


43 


Are or are not these the alternatives if Asiatics are 
admitted on the same basis as Europeans? 

If this is the reason for discrimination, why are 
Africans admitted on the same basis as Europeans? 

“We have dealt with two inferior races but never with an 
equal one, and we have dealt always unjustly. ... If we have 
many Japanese we shall not know how to deal otherwise 
than unjustly with them, and very properly they will not sub¬ 
mit. The only safety is in separation.”— Chester H. Rowell. 
The New Republic, September 15, 1920. 

Is the trend of civilization for or against a mingling 
of races? 

If the issue is between being loyal to the principle of 
democracy and preserving a pure white stock in 
America, which would you choose? 

(f) Whose good should be considered in determining what 

immigrants may be admitted into the United States _ 

the good of the United States, the good of the immi¬ 
grants or the good of the countries from which the 
immigrants come? 

Should we admit only those who are likely to be 
assets and exclude those who mav prove to be 
liabilities? 1 

(g) To what extent is freedom of migration, provided 
land and business rights are secured through fair and 
equal competition, a natural and inherent right of every 
individual regardless of race? 

Just what constitutes a race’s honorable title to the 
exclusive use of a given territory? 

“Has the time come to deny the right of a nation 
which is suffering stringency because of an unre¬ 
strained growth of population to seek relief by en¬ 
croaching on the territory of a more fortunate or more 
self-controlled nation?” (H. P. Fairchild) 

Is colonizing and the development of natural re- ' 
sources of an undeveloped country ever justifiable ? 

If so what are the responsibilities of the explorers 
and the colonizers toward the inhabitants? 

Have the Chinese in China a moral right to keep 
China for Chinese when ambitious Europeans or 
Americans seek by unfair concessional rights to ex¬ 
haust the resources of the country for their own gain ? 


4-1 



(h) Is the present distribution of the land and other 
natural resources of the world just? 

How far, if at all, are we responsible for alleviating 
the economic problems of Asia arising from the fact 
that it has an over-surplus of population for the land 
occupied ? 

How far, if at all, are the twenty-five who enjoy the 
resources of a square mile in this country responsible 
for sharing those resources with the 800 who in 
Japan are eking out a scanty living on the same 
amount of land? 

What more than charity would an inter-racial appli¬ 
cation of the principle of industrial democracy de¬ 
mand? Would it be practical? Desirable? 

(i) Who should have a voice in deciding the problems 
involved in the immigration of Asiatics to America? 
To what other nations are the issues involved vital? 
Into what other countries are Asiatics seeking en¬ 
trance ? 

What is the attitude of the other countries bordering 
on the Pacific into which Asiatic immigrants are seek¬ 
ing to enter? 

Japan tried to introduce as a principle on which the 
League of Nations should be founded the principle of 
“equality of races.” Those nations which did not 
concur in this were Great Britain, United States, 
Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa. 
Why did some nations oppose the principle of equality 
of races, while others did not? 

Should these problems be solved by each nation on 
the basis of its own interest or should the decisions 
be the result of a conference of all the nations con¬ 
cerned ? 


,45 


Reference Material 

Because the question of Japanese immigration has been 
agitated chiefly by California, there is a tendency to regard it 
as a local California question, whose importance Californians 
exaggerate, from a too-near perspective. As to its local 
aspects, this may be conceded. The Californian who would 
risk the peace of the world because he is annoyed by too many 
Japanese neighbors at Florin or San Gabriel must not ex¬ 
pect sympathy except from the few others similarly situated. 
And of course any pretense that Occidental civilization is 
staggering under the burden of one or two hundred thousand 
industrious and generally law-abiding Japanese is too absurd 
to be regarded as anything but hysteria. If this were all, 
Californians would deserve the serene condescension with 
which their appeals are too often met. 

What thoughtful Californians contend is that this is not all, 
and that in its larger aspects the Californian, not the pro¬ 
vincial eastern view, presents the truer perspective. In this 
we are joined by all the English-speaking white peoples bor¬ 
dering the Pacific—by Washington, Oregon, British Columbia, 
Australia and New Zealand, these peoples are only a small 
part of the white race of the world but they are its van¬ 
guard and its whole representation on the shores of the Pa¬ 
cific. And they are unanimous in demanding the support of 
the American Union and of the British empire in excluding 
Japanese and Chinese immigration. . . . 

The really serious aspect of this race question is the fact 
that the laces which we are considering are so overwhelminglv 
numerous, there aie nearly as many Japanese as Americans. 

I heie aie foui times as many Chinese. If the racial barrier 
is to be lowered, sooner or later we shall have to admit the 
Chinese also. Then there will happen to America—to Califor¬ 
nia immediately and to the whole nation within a generation 
what has already happened to Hawaii. 

Our people ha\e learned their racial lessons in a dangerous 
school. We have dealt with two inferior darker races, but 
never with an equal one, and we have dealt always unjustly 
We have dealt unjustly with the Negro and he submits We 
have dealt unjustly with the Indian and he is dead If we 
have many Japanese, we shall not know how to deal otherwise 
than unjustly with them, and very properly they will not sub¬ 
mit. The only real safety is in separation. Nature erected 
a barrier which man will overpass only at his peril. 

46 


So the message of California to the nation is this: On our 
local problems have patience with us. Admonish us if we 
need it, but do it understandingly. But on the great prob¬ 
lem let this nation resolve as firmly as California is resolved 
that one side of the Pacific shall be the white man’s and the 
other side the brown man’s frontier. Only so is our race, 
our civilization, or the peace of the world secure.—C. H. 
Rowell. “California and the Japanese Problem,” The New 
Republic, Sept. 15, 1920. 

The recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
States that Hindus are not “free white persons” has been 
hailed for the most part with delight by the California Press 
and that of our western seaboard, which we find has a Hindu 
problem just as much as a Japanese problem, and the 
Fresno paper opines that “this is surely an instance in which a 
court has decided on facts and not on inferences.” 

Bhagat Singh Thind, “a high-caste Hindu, born in the 
Punjab, India,” according to Associated Press dispatches from 
Washington, was the subject of the decision. He had entered 
this country in 1913, despite the immigration authorities, been 
drafted in the war, served six months, been honorably dis¬ 
charged, and applied for naturalization papers. Judge Charles 
E. Wolverton, of Portland, decided in his favor, and the case 
was appealed to the Circuit Court of appeals and by them 
passed on to the Supreme Court of the United States. Bhagat 
Singh’s claim that as a descendent of the Aryans of India, 
belonging to the Caucasian race, he is “white” within the mean¬ 
ing of our naturalization laws, was disallowed by the Supreme 
Court. The words, “white persons,” are words of “common 
speech and not of scientific origin,” it held, and are to be in¬ 
terpreted as synonymous with “Caucasian” only so far as that 
word is popularly understood. Whatever may be the specu¬ 
lation of the ethnologist, it does not, the court held, include the 
body of men to which the Hindu belonged. For, in the words 
of the decision: 

“It would be obviously illogical to convert words of common 
speech used in a statute into words of scientific terminology 
when neither the latter nor science, for whose purpose they 
were coined, was within the contemplation of the framers of 
the statute. . . . The words of the statute are to be inter¬ 
preted in accordance with the understanding of the common 
man, from whose vocabulary they were taken.” 

4 7 


The slightest question of racial superiority or inferiority 
was, in the opinion of the Supreme Court, far from its thought 
to suggest. It stated that it was merely suggesting a racial 
difference which, in the case of a Hindu “is of such a char¬ 
acter and extent that the great body of our people instinctively 
recognize it and reject the thought of assimilation.” “Hindus 
Too Brunette to Vote Here,” Literary Digest, March 10, 1923. 

Dr. Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President emeritus of the State 
University of California, in a speech against Japanese im¬ 
migrants, said: “Their good taste, persistent industry, their 
excellent qualities and their virtues render their presence 
amongst us a pitiful danger.”— Edith M. Phelps. Immigra¬ 
tion, pp. 334-335. 

Australia says “We have a civilization to maintain and a 
race to keep pure. We must keep Australia white—white 
in skin and white in life. We have built up an industrial 
system in which the toiler is recognized as something better 
than a beast of burden. He has a chance to make a comfort¬ 
able home for his family, has definite periods of leisure that 
he may devote to his own improvement, to homely and social 
pleasures, and to the promotion of ideals that are beautiful 
and dear to him. He has already made some progress towards 
his social ideal, and he hopes to continue that progress until 
‘right, not might shall be the word.’ This grand hope would 
vanish,” Australia declares, “if Asiatic workers were admitted 
freely to compete with the whites. A reversion to virtual 
slavery would be the natural result. For is it not true that 
an Asiatic household can live in luxury (according to the 
Eastern standard) upon means that would hardly keep a 
Western family from starvation? Would not our laborers 
have to degrade themselves to the coolie’s standard of life or 
else yield place to them in the industrial market? Would not 
the admission of this cheap coolie labour place the whole of 
our employed class absolutely at the mercy of the employers 
and bring into our fair land an industrial caste system as vile 
as the serfdom of the Middle Ages? We must maintain the 
white man’s standards of life.” 

Exclusion is no solution of the problem. Its most ardent 
supporters will sometimes admit that it can never be more 
than a temporary expedient. Since the Jews, the most ex¬ 
clusive of peoples, became scattered among the nations of the 
world, it has become more and more evident that men, nations 

-18 


and races were made to mingle. No man can live to himself; 
nor can any nation, permanently; nor any race. The Western 
nations showed their appreciation of this law of creation when 
they forced open the barred doors of the Far East and rudely 
disturbed the contented Asiatics from the sleep of ages. In 
their turn the Asiatics, having had the principle of free inter¬ 
course thus forced upon them, feel they have a right to de¬ 
mand that the principle be mutually observed. Forbidden to 
exclude, they resent being excluded. . . . Deeply offended, the 
Asiatic is nevertheless too wise to kick against steel spikes. 
The West closes her lands to him. “Very well,” he says to 
himself; “she cannot close the sea. I shall go to sea.” To 
sea he has gone. Asiatic crews man nearly all the big mer¬ 
cantile vessels that trade now in the Pacific, and many besides 
in the Atlantic. . . . 

If it is unfair to allow Asiatics to compete with whites side 
by side in the colonies, it is doubly unfair to allow goods to be 
made by Asiatics in Asia to compete with colonial products. 
Asiatic workers, admitted to the colonies, would have to con¬ 
form in some degree to white men’s standards; in Asia they 
can be sweated without restraint. To sum up:—Exclusion of 
Asiatic immigrants, without exclusion of Asiatic imports, be¬ 
comes economically foolish. . . . 

The policy of exclusion seemed to be the means of averting 
strife in the past; it now appears that it was a mere dam 
against the natural current, and that the waters are rising 
behind the dam to break over with doubled and redoubled 
power of destruction. Exclusion fails. The inevitable meet¬ 
ing of East and West is near. Both sides recognize the fact. 
And both sides are preparing, in time-honoured manner, to 
celebrate their meeting with a trial of strength on the field of 
death.— John A. Brailsford. “National Life and Inter¬ 
national Relations.” Report of Commission II issued by 
the Committee of the Peace Conference of all Friends, pp. 
85, 88, 89, 91, 92. 

The truth is that California does not desire, as is sometimes 
believed in other parts of the land, to get the Japanese out of 
California. She wants them to remain. But she wants them 
to remain as laborers and only as laborers. She does not 
want them to progress. In one breath she complains that they 
are unassimilable and in the next she cries for laws to remove 
them further from the traditional equality of opportunity in 
the United States. What California is really trying to do, in 

49 





short., is to legislate her Japanese settlers into a state of serf¬ 
dom— Julian Street. “The Case for the Japanese,” Japan 
Review, Nov. 1920, p. 7. 

Are there any I. W. W.’s amongst them? No. Are there 
any Japanese anarchists ? No. Are there any Japanese bomb 
throwers ? No. Are there any Japanese mobs busy mur¬ 
dering men who want to work? No. Are there any Japanese 
groups teaching resistance to our laws and the destruction 
of our institutions? No. Then what are they doing? They 
are at work. “But,” cries the alarmist, “they should not be 
allowed on the land.” 

Why not? The Japanese have had but little independent 
access to the good lands of California. They found the sand 
and colloidal clays of Livingston cursed and barren as the fig 
tree of Bethany. On that infertile spot the Japanese wrought 
in privation and want for years, until they had charged the 
soil with humus and bacteria, and made it bear fruitful and 
profitable orchards and vineyards. Now white men led by 
these Japanese pioneers, pay high prices for land that was 
worthless, and grapes purple in the sun and peaches blush on 
the trees, where all was a forbidding waste until Japanese 
skill, patience and courage transformed it. 

The anti-Japanese agitator represents that people as para¬ 
sites. The fact is that wherever the Japanese has put his hand 
to the pruning hook and plow, he has developed nobler uses 
of the soil, and land values have rapidly risen. 

Now it is proposed to expel them, not for their vices but 
for their virtues, and every Japanese oppressed by brutal 
legislation and expelled can hold his head high erect in his own 
country and say, I was excluded from California for mv 
virtues, my industry, my skill and the benefit I was to the 
land and its production.” 

The Japanese with wives are all married according to our 
laws. The women are amiable, good wives, mothers and 
housekeepers. It is false that they work in the fields. Their 
children, admitted to our schools, will make good and useful 
Americans. But the cry is raised that though only about one 
percent of our population, they will outbreed, outwork and 
outdo the other 99 per cent of white people. If this be true 
it proves a degeneracy of the whites which would be a iust 
cause of alarm The field is open. Economic law repeals 
all statutes. The way to combat the Japanese is not by Nine 
about them and depriving them of the common, primitive 

50 


rights of humanity, but by excelling them in industry, in 
foresight and enterprise.—“The Japanese in California,” The 
Eastern Light, Jan. 25, 1920. 

Director Ross, of the Bureau of Vital Statistics, estimates 
the average white family (parents plus children) at 4.67 per¬ 
sons, and the average Japanese family at 4.63 persons. This 
shows that, contrary to indiscriminate statements published 
in newspapers, the average size of the Japanese family is 
slightly smaller than that of the white family. —K. K. Kawa- 
kami. The Real Japanese Question, p. 263. 


Additional Reference Sources 

Immigration. E. M. Phelps. Pp. 257-370. 

American Democracy and Asiatic Citizenship. Sidney Gulick. Pp. 

1 - 122 . 

America's Stake in the Far East. Charles H. Fahs. Pp. 108-167. 

The Real Japanese Question. K. K. Kawakami. 

Japan and the California Problem. T. Iyenaga and Kenosky Sato. 

Present Day Immigration. Various Authors. Annals of the American 
Academy of Political and Social Science. Jan. 1921. (Entire 
number.) 

Neglected Realities in the Far East. Annals of the American Academy 
of Political and Social Science. 1917. Pp. 538-547. 

Moral and Social Interests Involved in Restricting Oriental Immi¬ 
gration. T. L. Eliot, Annals of American Academy of Political 
and Social Science, 1919. Pp. 80-85. 

The Downfall of Western Civilization. Yone Noguchi. Nation. Oct. 
8, 1914. 

Keeping Australia a White Man's Country. A. St. Ledger. Current 
History, June 1923. Pp. 472-478. 

Hindus too Brunette to Vote Here. Literary Digest, March 10, 1923. 

California and the Japanese Problem. Chester Rowell. The New 
Republic, Sept. 15, 1920. 

Americanization from the Viewpoint of Young Asia. Benoy Kumar 
Sarkar. The Journal of International Relations, July 1919. Pp. 
26-48. 

California and the Japanese. Payn Treat. Atlantic Monthly, April 
1921. 

The False Pride of Japan. James Phelan. Atlantic Monthly, March 
1921. 


v 


51 


V: Is the Tendency toward Race 
Segregation Christian? 

1. Which races tend most to segregation? In what instances 
is it due to social pressure? To voluntary choice? 

2. Why has the segregation of the Negro been advocated? 

Is it because white men see in it a selfish advantage to the 
white race or because both Negro and white men believe 
it to be for the best good of both races? 

3. Where has the compulsory economic and social segregation 
of the Negro been tried? 

Is it national or sectional or both? 

In what ways has this segregation differed in different 
places ? 

Has the compulsory segregation of the negro been up¬ 
held in any of its forms by the Supreme Court of the 
United States ? 

4. What are the facts concerning the development of these 
segregated Negro communities? 

How has the migration of the Negro northward affected 
the growth of these segregated communities in the large 
cities of the North? 

What has been their economic progress? 

How developed are their educational facilities—such as 
schools and libraries as compared with those of their white 
neighbors ? 

What has been their political status ? 

Compare their living conditions from a sanitary and moral 
point of view with those of their white neighbors. 

5. Has or has not the compulsory economic and social seg¬ 
regation of the Negro promoted better relations between 
the two races? 

(a) Has segregation brought about a growing under¬ 
standing and appreciation each of the other or vice 
versa ? 


52 


(b) Has segregation brought about a growing apprecia¬ 
tion of other races or has it developed a growing fear 
of the “Rising Tide of Color”? 

(c) Has it stimulated cooperation or friction between 
the two races? 

6. Is the segregation of the Negro the best means of protect¬ 
ing the interests of the Negro race? 

Has it developed in the Negro greater self-respect or has 
it made him more conscious of the white man’s assumption 
that a dark skin means inferiority? 

Does or does not abnormal race consciousness have 
the same effect on a race as abnormal self-consciousness 
has on an individual? 

Has race consciousness restricted or enlarged the Negro’s 
range of industrial and professional opportunity? 

Is the compulsory isolation of an individual within a 
narrow circle of fellowship and competition wholesome or 
disastrous to his development? Would the same principle 
apply to a race? 

7. Is the segregation of the Negro the best means of pro¬ 
tecting the interests of the white race? 

(a) Is it an economic necessity on the part of the white 
man ? 

When a Negro family first moves into a street oc¬ 
cupied by whites, it is said that property values fall. 
On the other hand, it is said that the Negroes pay 
higher rents. Does the presence of Jews or Southern 
Europeans lead to similar problems? 

(b) Is the segregation of the Negro justified as a means 
of protecting the higher culture of the white race? 

Does the effect upon society as a whole justify fellow¬ 
ship between races of differing culture? 

What makes people desirable neighbors? 

When Negroes move into a street formerly occupied 
by whites, is opposition to them greater if they oc¬ 
cupy homes clearly inferior to their white neighbors or 
if their homes are equal in attractiveness to the rest? 

Can or can not the members of a cultured Negro 
family be desirable as neighbors in a white community ? 

53 




8. Is the compulsory segregation the best means of conserv¬ 
ing racial integrity f 

The broader significance of these questions under this head will 
be evident if the names of other races are substituted in place of 
that of the Negro; for example, the Jew, the Chinese, the Mexican, 
the French Canadian, who in widely scattered parts of America 
are found mingling with the Anglo-Saxons. The international 
bearing of the questions will appear when it is recognized that 
such questions emerge whenever two races of widely differing 
cultures live side by side. 

(a) Does the compulsory voluntary segregation of differ¬ 
ent races conserve racial integrity? 

(b) If the white race really believes that miscegenation is 
harmful, might other methods be followed to con¬ 
serve racial integrity that would be just or more 
efficient, than the compulsory segregation of the 
Negro? Is racial assimilation the only alternative 
wherever segregation or social ostracism of different 
races is not forced? What degree of social inter¬ 
mingling between different races is essential to the 
finest Christian cooperation? Would your answer be 
different for different races ? 

Does the continued assumption of racial superiority 
on the part of the white man make it easier or harder 
for him to create opportunities for miscegenation ? 

Should the punishments resulting from a breaking of 
the laws against racial intermarriage or miscegenation 

be of equal severity for the offenders regardless of 
race? 

(c) Should the child having a white father and a negro 
mothei leceive the fathers name and his proportionate 
share of the inheritance from the father? 

(d) Is the preservation of racial integrity desirable or 
undesirable ? Why ? 

Is society’s condemnation of the offspring of mixed 
blood justified? Is the condemnation due principally 
to racial antipathy or is it akin to society’s condem¬ 
nation of all illicit offspring? 

If children of mixed blood were more frequently the 

product of legal and honored marriage, would society’s 
verdict change? 


54 


Have scientists collected any data which shows con¬ 
clusively the harmful or beneficial results of the bio¬ 
logical mingling of races? 

9. Is the compulsory segregation of the Negro just? 

(a) Since the Negro has rights under the Constitution to 
reside where he will, should he or should he not be 
denied the right to sit where he will in a street car, a 
railway train, a theatre or hotel dining room? 

(b) Is a real estate man or a property owner doing right 
when, through other ways than through the law, for 
reasons which to him seem good reasons, he makes it 
impossible for the Negro to live where he will? 

(c) Is it not conceivable that the real estate man might 
and often does assume the same attitude toward peo¬ 
ple of his own race whom he judges undesirable? 

10. Does compulsory race segregation advance the interests of 
democracy? Does it make for the largest degree of coop¬ 
eration betzveen races and the greatest contribution of each 
to the common life of all? 

Does the development of segregated communities of 
Negroes in the United States indicate a tendency toward 
the growth of a caste system? If not, just what trend is 
indicated ? 

Can a democratic form of government survive if a system 
of caste develops in America? 

Is a democracy the best form of government in a country 
where two differing races live side by side? 

In the light of all these considerations, what is your con¬ 
clusion? Will the compulsory economic and social segrega¬ 
tion of the Negro in the United States, the Japanese in China, 
the Oriental in Siberia, for example, help or hinder a Christian 
adjustment of the racial problem throughout the world? 


55 


NOTE— Those wishing to study the segregation of the Jews, 
contrasting and comparing it with the segregation of the 
Negro, may well devote another entire session to this subject. 
1 he following are. some of the questions which might well 
be considered : 

In what ways did the “pale” in medieval Europe differ 
from or resemble the segregated Negro Community in a 
large city of this country today? What motives led the 
Gentiles in Europe to force the segregation of the Jew ? 

To what extent was the Jew himself responsible for his 
being a “peculiar people”? To what extent is the Chris¬ 
tian responsible? 

Did his segregation in Europe increase or diminish the 
strain involved in his relations to other races ? 

To what extent has the Jew been segregated in this coun¬ 
try? To what extent has he desired, this ? 

W hat have been the causes leading to his semi-segregation ? 

Suppose the Jews were willing to assimilate with other 
races and other races were willing to have them do so 
would society be richer or poorer for this mingled stream 
of racial life? 


56 


Reference Material 

Race distinctions are not confined to any one section of the 
country. There is scarcely a State or Territory in the Union 
where legislative or judicial records do not reveal the actual 
existence of at least some race distinctions. Of the twenty- 
six states and territories that prohibit intermarriage, more than 
half, extending from Delaware to Oregon, are outside the 
South. Negroes, have on account of their race, been excluded, 
usually contrary to the local laws, from hotels in Massachu¬ 
setts, Pennsylvania, Indiana, New York, Wisconsin, Michigan, 
Ohio, and Iowa; from barbershops in Nebraska and Connecti¬ 
cut; from boot-black stands in New York; from billiard-rooms 
in Massachusetts; from saloons, in Minnesota and Ohio; 
from soda fountains, in Illinois; from theatres, in Illinois 
and New York; from skating rinks in New York and Iowa; 
and the bodies of Negroes have been refused burial with those 
of white persons in Pennsylvania. It is not meant here that 
Negroes are always excluded from such places in these States, 
but that instances of such exclusions are found in the laws. 
Most of the States have at one time or another made distinc¬ 
tions between the races in schools. California and other States 
of the Far West are demanding separate schools for Japanese. 
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, besides other States of the 
Middle West, clash from time to time with their school boards 
for attempting to separate the races in schools. Delaware is 
diligent in providing separate schools for white persons and 
Negroes. In Massachusetts, until 1857, the school board of 
Boston provided a separate school for Negroes in that city. 
As to public conveyances, the term “Jim Crow,” applied to a 
car set apart for Negroes, was first used in Massachusetts, and 
it was in Pennsylvania that the first leading case involving 
the right of street car companies to separate their passengers 
by race arose. Instances of actual discrimination against 
Negroes by common carriers were found in Illinois, Iowa and 
Califnoria. . . . Were this general prevalence of race distinc¬ 
tions fully realized, the result would be a kindlier feeling one 
to another among the white people of the various sections. They 
would then see that the presence or absence of race distinctions 
is due, not to any inherent difference in the character of the 
people but to diverse conditions and environment. When, 
therefore, the Negro children of Upper Alton, Illinois, are 
seen to constitute an appreciable percentage of the school 

57 


population, the people of that town, as the people of a Southern 
town would do under similar circumstances, demand for them 
a separate school. — Gilbert T. Stephenson. Race Dis¬ 
tinctions in American Law, pp. 348-350. 

So long as all honor lies in being associated with the white 
man, the negro will want social intermingling. So long as 
there are none of his own race that can meet him on a high 
plane and can satisfy the longings of his soul, just so long 
will he be driven to seek fellowship with white men. But 
build him up, make him sufficient in himself, give him within 
his own race that life which will satisfy, and the social ques¬ 
tion will be solved. The cultivated negro is less and less 
inclined to lose himself and his race in the sea of another race. 
As he develops, he is building a new race pride. He no longer 
objects to being called a Negro—it is becoming the badge of 
his race and the mark of his self-sufficiency. We have noth¬ 
ing, therefore, to fear from giving him a chance.—W. D. 
Weatherford. Race Relationships in the South. Vol. 1, 
p. 173. 

In March, 1875, the Congress of the United States passed 
a Civil Rights Bill in which it declared that, “all persons 
within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled 
to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, ad¬ 
vantages, facilities, and privileges of inns, public conveyances 
on land and water, theatres, and other places of public amuse¬ 
ment, subject only to conditions established by State law, 
and must be applicable to citizens of every race and colour 
regardless of any previous condition of servitude.” 

Yet in every Southern State with the exception of Missouri, 
laws have been passed and are now in operation, requiring 
that separate compartments or coaches shall be provided on 
all railways for persons of African descent, who shall not 
travel in the same coaches as whites. It should be noted that 
these ordinances explicitly provide that such separate ac¬ 
commodation shall be of equal comfort and convenience as that 
for whites and that the fare shall be the same. 

By State and municipal ordinances the races are also separ¬ 
ated in street cars in most of the cities of the Southern States. 

This is in marked contrast to the position in slavery days 
when, as F. L. Olmstead shows, black and white travelled to¬ 
gether.— Maurice Evans. White and Black in the Southern 
States, p. 140. 


58 


Civil Rights Law, State of New York. Chapter 14 of the 
Laws of 1909, being Chapter 6 of the Consolidated Laws. 

“Section 40.—All persons within the jurisdiction of this 
state shall be entitled to the full and equal accommodations, 
advantages, facilities and privileges of inns, restaurants, hotels, 
eating houses, bath houses, barber shops, theatres, music halls, 
public conveyances on land and water, and all other places 
of public accommodation or amusement, subject only to the 
conditions and limitations established by the law and applicable 
alike to all citizens. 

“Section 41.—Penalty for violation. Any person who shall 
violate any of the provisions of the foregoing section by 
denying to any citizen, except for reasons applicable alike to all 
citizens of every race, creed and color, and regardless of race, 
creed and color, the full enjoyment of any of the accommoda¬ 
tions, advantages, facilities or privileges in said section enu¬ 
merated, or by aiding or inciting such denial, shall, for every 
such offence, forfeit and pay a sum not less than one hundred 
dollars nor more than five hundred dollars to the person ag¬ 
grieved thereby, to be recovered in a court of competent juris¬ 
diction in the County where said offence was committed, and 
shall also, for every such offence, be deemed guilty of a misde¬ 
meanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be fined not less 
than one hundred dollars nor more than five hundred dollars, 
or shall be imprisoned not less than thirty days nor more than 
ninety days, or both such fine and imprisonment.”— Mary 
White Ovington. Half a Man, p. 213. 

Despite the law and precedent, the civil rights bill is 
violated in New York. Occasionally colored men bring suit, 
but the magistrate dismisses the complaint. Usually the evi¬ 
dence is declared insufficient. A case of a colored man refused 
orchestra seats at a theatre is dismissed on the ground that 
not the proprietor but his employees turned the man away. A 
keeper of an ice-cream parlor, wishing to prevent the colored 
man from patronizing him, charges a Negro a dollar for a 
ten-cent plate. The customer pays the dollar, keeps the 
check, and brings the case to court. Ice-cream parlors are 
then declared not to come under the list of places of public 
entertainment and amusement. A bootblack refuses to polish 
the shoes of a Negro, and the court decides that a bootblack 
stand is not a place of public accommodation, and refusal to 
shine the shoes of a colored man does not subject its pro¬ 
prietor to the penalties imposed by the law. This last case 

59 


was carried to the Court of Appeals, and the adverse judg¬ 
ment has led many of the thoughtful colored men of the 
city to doubt the value of attempting to push a civil rights 
suit. Litigation is expensive, and money spent in any personal 
rights case that attacks private business, whether the plaintiff 
be white or colored, is usually wasted. The civil rights law 
is on the books, and the psychological moment may arrive to 
insist successfully on its enforcement. —Mary White Oving- 
ton. Half a Man, pp. 213-215. 


While the colored people in New York started with segre¬ 
gated schools and attained to mixed schools, the movement 
in the churches was the reverse. At first the Negroes were 
attendants of white churches, sitting in the gallery or on the 
rear seats, and waiting until the white people were through 
before partaking of the communion; but as their number 
increased they chafed under their position. Why should they 
be placed apart to hear the doctrine of Christ, and why, too, 
should they not have full opportunity to preach that doc¬ 
trine? The desire for self-expression was perhaps the great¬ 
est factor in leading them to separate from the white church 
—Mary White Ovington. Half a Man, pp 19 20 


The majority of white people have heard, in a vague way, 
that there is a difference of opinion in the Negro world; and 
again, vaguely, that it takes the form of opposition to Dr. 
Booker T. Washington and industrial training. But the dif¬ 
ference of opinion among the Negroes is a difference of ideals 
and reaches far beyond the controversy of industrial or cul¬ 
tural training, or the question of individual leadership. 

How can one explain these two ideals? Roughly they ac¬ 
cept or reject. segregation. The first looks upon the black 
man in America, for many generations at least, as a race 
? part - R e( r°g mzin g this, the race must increasingly grow 
in self-efficiency. . It must run its own businesses, own its 
banks, its groceries, its restaurants, have its dressmakers, 
milliners, tailors, it must establish factories where it shall 
employ only colored men and women; its children shall be 
brought into the world by colored doctors, taught by colored 
teachers, buried by colored undertakers. Education, along in¬ 
dustrial lines, shall help train the worker to this efficiencv 
and a proper race pride shall give him the patronage of the 
Negroes about him. When, as will of course happen in the 
majority of cases, the Negro works for the white man, he 

60 


must consider himself and his race. He must not go out 
on strike when the white man strives for higher wages; 
he is justified, if he is willing to risk a broken head, in filling 
the place of the striking workman, for he has to look after his 
own concerns. 

The second point of view resists segregation. It believes that 
the Negro should never cease to struggle against being treated 
as a race apart, that he should demand the privileges of a citi¬ 
zen, free access to all public institutions, full civil and political 
rights. As a workman, he should have the opportunity of 
other workmen, his training should be the training of his 
white neighbor, and in business and the professions he should 
strive to serve white as well as black. And just as in the 
battle-field he fights in a common cause with his white com¬ 
rade, so in the struggle for better working class conditions he 
should stand by the side of the laborer, regardless of race. 
Believing these things and finding that America fails to meet 
his demands, he thinks it should be his part to struggle for 
his ideal, vigorously to protest against discrimination, and 
never, complacent, to submit to the position of inferiority. 
—Mary White Ovington. Half a Man, pp. 184-187. 

It seems hard that the Negro should be required to attain 
self-hood as best he can outside the higher cultural possibili¬ 
ties of the white group and subordinated to that group, and yet 
what other alternative would the social philosopher offer us? 
He certainly would not ask of the white group the supreme 
sacrifice of its ethnic purity which is the bearer of its social 
heritage and, therefore, the ultimate guarantee of the con¬ 
tinuity and integrity of its peculiar type of civilization. The 
conditions of greatest harmony will be, as already suggested, 
where the weaker group accepts unconditionally the will of 
the stronger group. Conditions of friction will inevitably 
occur where the weaker group refuses to accept these con¬ 
ditions. “The most fruitful conditions of race friction may 
be expected where there is a constant insistence upon a theo¬ 
retical equality of the weaker group which the stronger denies.” 
Starting with racial antipathy as a fixed and irreducible ele¬ 
ment in the problem, it is undoubtedly true that the farther 
we get from slavery and the nearer an approximation of the 
theoretical claims of democracy, the more difficult social inte¬ 
gration appears. It has indeed been asserted that slavery is the 
only condition under which a weaker race of widely different 
traits can enjoy intimate social relations with a stronger with- 

61 


out friction. It is doubtless true that in spite of fifty years 
of freedom, the Negro, especially in the South, enjoys as a 
race fewer points of contact with the white and is less an 
integral part of the social order than he was in the days of 
slavery.—J. M. Mecklin. Democracy and Race Friction, 

pp. 180, 181. 

Caste is the natural protection of a higher race in the pres¬ 
ence of a lower and occurs whenever two races are com¬ 
pelled to live side by side. 

To the Brahmin the Sudra is a “colored man” and he pro¬ 
tects his race by caste— Ramsay Traquair. Atlantic Monthly, 
March 1923. 

India had felt that diversity of races there must be and 
should be, whatever may be its drawback, and you can never 
coerce nature into your narrow limits of convenience with¬ 
out paying one day very dearly for it. In this India was 
right; but what she failed to realize was that in human beings 
differences are not like the physical barriers of mountains, 
fixed forever—they are fluid with life's flow, they are chang¬ 
ing their courses and their shapes and volume. 

Therefore in her caste regulations India recognized differ¬ 
ences, but not the mutability which is the law of life. In 
trying to avoid collisions she set up boundaries of immovable 
walls, thus giving to her numerous races the negative bene¬ 
fit of peace and order but not the positive opportunity of 
expansion and movement. She accepted nature where it 
produces diversity, but ignored it where it uses that diversity 
for its world-game of infinite permutations and combinations. 
She treated life in all truth where it is manifold, but insulted 
it where it is ever moving. Therefore Life departed from her 
social system and in its place she is worshipping with all cere¬ 
mony the magnificent cage of countless compartments that she 
has manufactured.— Rabindranath Tagore. Nationalism 
p. 13/. 

If we are so morbidly afraid of the Negro's freedom that 
we must keep him forever in prison, then let us remember that 
on both sides of the prison door is a man in duress; he who 
keeps a jail is hardly freer than his prisoner. This is the 
domination we have to fear. — E. G. Murphy, quoted in 
Black and White in the Southern States, p. 194. 

. Marriage is. not a matter that concerns the contracting par¬ 
ties alone; it is social in its origin and from society comes its 

62 


sanctions. It is society’s legitimatized method for the per¬ 
petuation of the race in the larger and inclusive sense of a 
continuous racial type which shall be the bearer of a continu¬ 
ous and progressive civilisation. There are, however, within 
the community two racial groups of such widely divergent 
physical and psychic characteristics that the blending of the 
two destroys the purity of the type of both and introduces 
confusion—the result of the blend is a mongrel. The preserva¬ 
tion of the unbroken self-conscious existence of the white or 
dominant ethnic group is synonymous with the preservation 
of all that has meaning and inspiration in its past and hope for 
its future. It forbids by law, therefore, or by the equally effec¬ 
tive social taboo, anything that would tend to contaminate the 
purity of its stock or jeopardise the integrity of its social heri¬ 
tage.— John M. Mecklin. Democracy and Race Friction, 
pp. 147, 148. 

The unfortunate cross breed has come in for condemnation 
from all quarters. The favorite description is that the mongrel 
inherits the vices of both parents and the virtues of neither. 
According to Schultz, it is according to a “law of nature,”— 
although why it is so is inexplicable,—that “only the bad 
qualities of the whites and the Negro are transmitted to the 
mongrel offspring.” Certainly the results of hybridization 
in plants and animals are very far from proving Schultz’s 
thesis. And it is rather surprising that a writer who appeals to 
biology as affording a support to his view on race mixture 
should have ignored so much that fails to corroborate his 
theory. It is nonsense to say that the inferiority of the hybrid 
exemplifies a law of nature. There are abundant plant and 
animal hybrids that are superior types, and biology affords 
no a priori reason why the hybrids of races and peoples may 
not be superior also. We can only decide the question by an 
impartial appeal to the results of race crossing, after making 
due allowance for the social and other influences which may 
affect the character of the mixed stock. —Samuel J. Holmes, 
Ph.D. The Trend of the Race, pp. 248-250. 

The Oberlin Critic deplores the entrance of prejudice into 
this midwestern college: 

Oberlin is falling short of the standard set by her founders 
and by the men who opened her doors to the colored races. 
Year after year the barrier is made stronger and higher—year 
after year voices are raised in protest against the admission 

63 


of colored students into rooming houses, into clubs and so¬ 
cieties, almost into the college itself—year after year the per¬ 
centage of colored students grows smaller and less intelligent. 
Why? 

During the war the government refused to allow Negro 
men to enter the S.A.T.C. on an equality with the white men 
—orders were received here to that effect. Did the college 
protest? Yes, but feebly, for the order went through, to the 
shame of the authorities here and in Washington; and with 
the order there went through the Negro ranks a wave of 
hatred against Oberlin, against the college that once threw off 
restraint to indulge in a Wellington riot, and whose very his¬ 
tory is a history of race-equality. 

The attempt of President Lowell to exclude Negroes from 
the Freshman dormitories at Harvard has brought a marvellous 
and on the whole inspiriting burst of public opinion. We quote 
some typical expressions: 

“I am opposed to every form of racial discrimination in the universi¬ 
ties of our heterogeneous democracy. Any such discrimination would 
violate very precious Harvard traditions.—Charles W. Eliot, Ex- 
President of Harvard, in the N. Y. World. 

For Harvard today to deny to colored men a privilege it accords to 
whites appears inevitably as a reversal of policy if not as positive dis¬ 
loyalty to a principle for which the university has hitherto taken an 
open and unshaken stand.—Editorial, Harvard Alumni Journal. 

This relapse to Jim Crowism at Harvard is the spiritual offspring 
of that old ante-bellum false pride that felt it a duty to one’s self- 
respect to challenge any concession to the Negro that might tempt him 
to dream that his right or his dignity could ever approach par with 
that of the white man. To such a spirit no doubt, the fact is highly 
distasteful (and it often is the fact) that the black boy in college 
stands above the average of his white classmates, and exceedingly 
distasteful it must be when he stands highest of all. In such exi¬ 
gencies it is natural enough to ask, “What can we do to save white 
prestige ?” Well, if we like the idea, we can do this very thing that 
President Lowell has now done at Harvard. We can make it apparent 
that the black student attends “our” college only on sufferance and by 
grace of our condescending indulgence. If he excels us in scholarship 
we can well call him an “ethnical prodigy” (sort of freak of nature, 
you know). And if he wins class honors, as he sometimes does, still 
ours can be the greater honor of a magnanimity that permits him to 
be a competitor with us.—Walter H. Beecher, in the Louisville, Ky.. 
I unes. 


64 


Additional Reference Sources 

The Negro Problem. Julia Johnsen. Pp. 281-317. 

Black and White in the Southern States. Maurice Evans. Pp. 144- 
157, 183-191. 

Democracy and Race Friction. Mecklin. Chap. I, VI, and VIII. 

Half a Man. M. W. Ovington. Chap. II and III. 

The Souls of Black Folk. W. E. B. Du Bois. Chap. III. 

Darkwatcr. W. E. B. Du Bois. Pp. 193-220. 

White Capital and Coloured Labour. Sidney Olivier. Race Relations 
in Jamaica contrasted with those in the United States. Chap. 
IV, V and VI. 

The Chicago Race Riots. Carl Sandburg. A small paper covered 

book, a study of the Chicago race riots of 1919. 

The Negro in Chicago. Report of the Chicago Commission on Race 
Relations. A lengthy, thorough-going study of the Chicago race 
riots of 1919 and of the racial problems which the episode brought 
to light. Pp. 142-640. 

The Trend of the Races. George E. Haynes. Pp. 12-18. 

The Negro and Harvard. School and Society. Jan. 20, 1923, Feb. .... 
1923, Feb. 17, 1923. Nation, Jan. 17, 1923. 

Unconstitutional Segregation. W. H. Baldwin, Jr. The New Republic, 
Jan. 19, 1918. 

Full Statement on Laivs on Segregation. G. F. Stephenson. The 

National Municipal Review. Vol. 3, 1914. Pp. 496-504. 

The Caste System in North America. Ramsay Traquair. Atlantic 

Monthly, March 1923. 

Race Segregation in the Rural South. W. D. Weatherford. Survey, 
Jan. 2, 1915. 

Undemocratic and Unconstitutional Character of Segregation. The 
New Republic, March 18, 1916; Jan. 19, 1918. 

Suggested Plans for Bettering Conditions in Negro Communities 
George E. Haynes. Report of Academy of Political Science 

Sept. 1918, p. '118. 

Race Segregation in the United States. Phillip A. Bruce. Hibbert 
Journal, July 1915. 

Unconstitutionality of Negro Segregation. J. C. Rose. National Muni¬ 
cipal Reviezv. Jan. 1919. 

The Segregated Negro World. W. E. B. Du Bois. The World To¬ 
ld orrow, May 1923. 

The Negro in His Place. Leslie Pinckney Hill, The World Tomorrow, 
May 1923. 

When the Negro Migrates North. Charles S. Johnson, The World 
Tomorrow, May 1923. 

Brasil and the Negro. Theodore Roosevelt. Outlook, Feb. 21, 1919. 

Should the Color Line Go? Robert W. Winston. Current History 
Sept. 1923. 


65 


THE SEGREGATION OF THE JEW 


Up Stream. Ludwig Lewisohn. (The autobiography of the struggle 
of a fine spirit under the shadow of racial prejudice.) 

Jews and Christians. The World Tomorrow, January 1923. 

The Growth of Anti-Semitism. C. A. Madison. Nation, July 26, 1922. 

Perils of Anti-Semitism. C. W. Cohen. Nineteenth Century , Jan. 1922. 

Non-assimilation of Israel. W. Yale. Atlantic Monthly. Aug. 22. 
1922. s 


Jews and Harvard. The New Republic, Aug. 16, 1922. Literary 
Digest, Oct. 7, 1922; June 24, 1922, and July 8, 1922. School 
and Society, Sept. 30, 1922, July 1, 1922, Jan. 20, 1923, Dec. 9, 
1922, April 21, 1923. Nation, March 21, 1923, June 14, 1922, July 
12, 1922, Sept. 6, 1922, Oct. 18, 1922, Jan. 31, 1923. 


Jeivs in America. Symposium. Nation, May 16, 1923. 

Jews and Barnard. Nation, Oct. 4, 1922, and Dec. 6, 1922. 


66 


VI: What is the Christian Ideal in 
a World Composed of Differing 

Races? 

1. If the Christian ideal is to be visualized in terms of moral 
principles controlling relations between races : 

Just what would be the fundamental principles of racial 
ethics ? 

In a present unideal world, to what extent should an in¬ 
dividual or race yield to the plea of expediency and com¬ 
promise with ideal moral principles in racial relations? 

2. If the Christian ideal is to be visualized in terms of atti¬ 
tudes of individuals of one race tozvard those of other 
races: 

Just what would be the Christian attitude of every man 
toward every other man? Could this attitude be the same 
toward all regardless of differences in race, in kinds or 
degrees of culture, in religion or in moral attainments ? Or 
must it be affected by external circumstances? If the 
latter, how much should it be affected by changing circum¬ 
stances ? 

Recognition of the sacredness in each human personality, 
regardless of race or culture is considered essential to the 
development of the individual. Is there also sacredness of 
race? If so, how may we learn to appreciate the finest 
values in other races and how may we help those races 
toward their noblest development? 

Is mutual understanding essential to the largest giving and 
receiving between races? Is agreement necessary? How 
may unreasonable prejudices be cast off? 

3. What, if anything, did Jesus definitely teach concerning 
race relations? 

What are the racial implications in the second Great Com¬ 
mandment? In the Fatherhood of God’ 

67 


Did Jesus mean that his standard of greatness should 
apply to races as well as to individuals? (Mark 10:42-45; 
9:35.) 

Did Jesus apply this same standard to his own nation? 
What was Jesus’ conception of the important ties which 
bind men together? Of the distinctions which separate 
men? What relation have these ties and distinctions to 
racial ties and distinctions? (Mark 3:31-35.) 

4. How far did Paul share Jesus’ attitude toward other races? 
How far did the early Christians share Jesus’ attitude to¬ 
ward other races? (Acts and Epistles.) 

What differences of opinion were there among early Jew¬ 
ish Christians concerning their duties toward the people 
of other races? 

5. How far has the later practice of the Christian Church 
in racial relations through the years tallied with Jesus’ 
teachings? Consider the relation of Christians to Jews, 
of Christians to the “heathen world,”—namely the darker 
races, of Christians in America to the American Indian 
and the Negro. 

Has the development of “colored” churches and “white” 
churches in the same community ministered to the best 
interests of both races religiously? 

In what way, if any, is the charge that Christianity has 
been made “a white man’s religion” just to the facts? 

6. Does the attitude of the Christian Church toward the 
teachings of Jesus concerning race relations lead you to 
conclude that His teachings in this regard are impractical 
or do you believe that they should still be given a trial as 
a possible solution of the race problem? 

7. Are the Christian ideals of inter-racial relations unique 
or have other great religious leaders of the world advo¬ 
cated similar ideals? 

8. “Under Heaven One Family.” This was the motto of the 
meeting of the World’s Student Christian Federation in 
Peking in 1922. If you so conceive the ideal Christian 
world: 

(a) Would there be an obliteration of all racial distinc¬ 
tions? Or would distinctive racial cultures continue 
to exist in a social order where cooperation is the rule? 

68 


(b) Would or would not one common faith be the sina 

qua nont 

On what grounds, if any, would you support the claim 
that Christianity is that “one common faith?” 

9. If the Christian ideal is to be visualized in terms of con¬ 
tinuing growth toward something better : 

What is essential to the maintaining of a developing world ? 

Is our Christian faith static and final or should we be pre¬ 
pared to see our Christian heritage of truth and life 
ideals challenged and restudied from differing racial points 
of view and perhaps lost in a greater truth in the search 
for which all races would cooperate? If the latter, what 
changes in the methods or in the spirit of missionary work 
might be involved? 


A Personal Meditation 

For which of the problems discussed have I considered enough 
data on which to base a sound judgment? 

In relation to which of the problems should I have that unrest 
of mind “which girds the brain with steel?” 

If I am one of a race whose attitude has been too largely 
controlled by prejudice, how may I rid myself of this preju¬ 
dice? How may I help others also to escape the bondage of 
prejudice ? 

If I belong to a race that has been dealt with unjustly, how 
may I escape the rancor of bitterness? How may I learn to 
appreciate the good in those who do not appreciate me? 


69 


Reference Material 

It is recorded of Jesus of Nazareth that one day as He was 
teaching in the midst of the people His mother and brethren 
came seeking Him and that when they sent for Him, He 
looked at those who were sitting around Him and said: “These 
are my mother and my brothers! Whoever does the will of 
God, that is my brother and sister and mother.” Did Jesus 
mean to include in this close relationship Gentiles and Negroes 
and persons of every race? 

St. Luke narrates how once in the synagogue at Nazareth 
He challenged race prejudice. Preaching from the text “The 
Spirit of the Lord has consecrated me to preach the gospel 
to the poor,” He proceeded to show how God had cared for 
and had respect unto persons of non-Jewish nationality. “In 
Israel,” said He, “there were many widows during the days of 
Elijah . . . when a great famine came over all the land; 
yet Elijah was not sent to any of these, but only to a widow 
woman at Zarephath in Sidon. And in Israel there were many 
lepers in the time of the prophet Elisha, yet none of these 
was cleansed, but only Naaman the Syrian.” This perhaps 
sounds not very radical to us, but to Jesus’ hearers it was red 
revolution. Steeped in the prejudice of racial antipathy they 
were roused as men in the Great War might have been roused 
had a preacher said, “There were many widows in Belgium 
in 1914 but to none of them was God’s messenger sent but to 
a widow in Germany; there were lots of lepers in Armenia but 
God’s prophet cleansed only a Turk.” The 100 per cent, citi¬ 
zens of Nazareth took Jesus to the brow of a hill to hurl 
Him down; but He made His way through them and went off. 

On another occasion Jesus uttered memorable words about 
the Gentiles. A Roman army captain came to Him seeking 
help for his sick servant but he said that Jesus need not come 
to where the servant lay, it would be sufficient if He but said 
the healing word. Whereupon Jesus exclaimed, “I have 
never met faith like this anywhere, even in Israel. Many I 
tell you will come from east and west and take their places 
beside Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Realm of heaven 
while the sons of the Realm will pass outside into dark¬ 
ness . . .” 

But though most of the Jews considered Roman Gentiles 
beyond the pale they scorned and looked down upon Samari¬ 
tans even more. These were regarded as people of mixed and 

70 


mongrel ancestry; to eat their bread or drink their wine was 
thought terribly defiling, to pronounce even their name was 
unworthy—it was almost synonymous with devil—a writing 
of divorcement could be declared invalid if a Samaritan sig¬ 
nature appeared on it. Amid such an environment of racial 
contempt Jesus claimed for Samaritans the rights of human 
fellowship. He accepted water from, and entered into con¬ 
versation with, the Samaritan woman at Jacob’s well. He 
stayed two days in her Samaritan village. He held up as a 
model of neighborliness the good Samaritan who helped the 
man that had fallen among thieves. And ever since, thanks 
to Jesus’ story, the world has associated with the term 
Samaritan the thought of one who was good. 

So Jesus did not exclude from fellowship the Samaritan or 
the Gentile, and when He spoke of the Last Judgment His 
words allowed for no exclusion by His followers of anyone 
from fellowship because of race. “All nations” will be 
gathered before Me, He says, and I will judge that those 
persons are righteous who have ministered unto such as were 
strangers or unclothed or ill or in prison—in a word to all 
who were in any sort of need. Jesus identifies Himself with 
the downmost, the most oppressed. He refers to them as of 
one blood, of one humanity with Himself. “In so far as you 
did it to one of these brothers of mine, even to the least of 
them, you did it to Me.” 

But the teaching of Jesus, clear as it was on the principle of 
universal kinship and unlimited brotherhood, did not en¬ 
counter the testing out of extended application to this world’s 
facts until after His death. Then arose a great question in 
the Church as to the social and religious equality of Jewish 
and Gentile Christians. 

There was one party which said, “Unless the Gentiles con¬ 
sent to be circumcised, that is, go through the form of joining 
the Jewish race and agree to keep the Jewish law, we cannot 
have social equality with them. We cannot eat with them at 
the same table, we cannot allow intermarriage with them, our 
brotherhood must be limited.” 

On the other hand the Gentile group, headed by Paul, said, 
“If all of us as Christians cannot have table fellowship to¬ 
gether and cannot mingle in daily affairs without keeping up 
bars of social separation, then what good is it to say that on 
some distant spiritual plane we are perhaps brothers? Of 
what use is faith in Christ if it does not take precedence over 

71 


the separation of the Law and over difference of race and sex 

""in'the' twentieth ^century in the United States we are tee 
to face with the question, Shall our civilization J ^ 

Besides The dominant white race we have twelve rn " N. 
„ rn „ a considerable number of Chinese and Japanese, some 

Ci" American Indiana .-d ~»y 
intermixed Closer and closer our lives are being pressed i 
'ether by economic centralization and intercommunication. W e 
are being knit into one body by electricity and .steel 

But what if Jesus Christ was right m assuming that all of 
ns were men of one blood? What if Paul was right in his 
belief that every diversity could be fused into ric 1 uni y in 
Christ ? On such foundations one can conceive of a civiliza¬ 
tion reared in love and creating a new humanity of wondrous 
beauty. Is it withheld because our faith is timid Jo 
Nevin Sayre. The World Tomorrow, March, 19-2. 

The difference between the Islamic and the “Anglo-Saxon” 
attitude rtoward those of other races] is indeed notorious 
and the “Latin” variety of Westerners, though more liberal 
than we are are far from reaching the Moslem standard The 
results of this difference are already visible in tropical Africa 
which has been opened up during the past forty y ears 
Western initiative, endurance, armaments and manufactures 
but not for Christendom. The majority of the black race in 
Africa is showing itself cold to the religion of its conquerors 
and is turning to Islam, whose militant adventurers in central 
Africa were easily defeated by the European pioneers m the 
early stages of the competition. Why can the Moslem beat 
the Christian missionary, when the Christian has beaten the 
Moslem soldier, merchant and administrator? The western 
occupation of tropical Africa is likely to be ephemeral, the 
Stic conditions being unsuitable for more than a very 
small floating population of Europeans in directive and tech- 
nTcal posts; and when it comes to end the permanent monu¬ 
ment of its passage which it seems destined to ea\e is the 
implantation among the natives not of its own culture but of 
the culture of Islam! 

I am a skeptic about racial affinities and antipathies and be¬ 
lieve that spiritual affinities and antipathies (those, for in¬ 
stance, of religion, culture and language) have been and will 
continue to be infinitely more powerful. I am not, however, a 
skeptic in regard to feelings about race. In the present state 

72 


of the world, in which the various physical stocks have been 
thrown together and intermingled as they never have been 
before, I am certain that the Anglo-Saxon attitude leads 
toward catastrophe and the Islamic towards salvation, just 
as much as I am certain of the contrary in the case of slavery 
or the status of women.— Arnold J. Toynbee. “Islam and 
the Western World,” Asm, February 1923, pp. 87-88. 

The White Christs come from the East, 

And they follow the way of the sun; 

And they smile, as Pale Men ask them to 
At the things Pale Men have done; 

For the White Christs sanction the sum of things— 
Faggot and club and gun. 

Whine of the groaning car, 

Caste, which divides like a wall; 

Curse of the raw-sored soul; 

Doom of the great and small; 

The White Christs fashioned by Pale White Men 
Sanction and bless it all. 

Prophets of truth have said 
That Afric and Ind must mourn; 

And the children of Oman weep 
Trampled and slashed and torn, 

Keeping the watch with brown Cathay . 

Till the Black Christs shall be born. 

—Guy Fitch Phelps. Southwestern Christian Advocate, 
quoted in The Crisis, March 1923. 

In this world of mission and church, two co-existing fac¬ 
tors are in operation, and they are race and finance, the one 
reacting on the other. On the question of race, it is possible 
to say hard things of the present strained relations between 
Indians and Europeans. But we content ourselves with advert¬ 
ing to the fact that the foreign missionary combines in himself 
two almost incompatible functions. For one thing he is the 
evangelist of a new faith; and for another an emissary con¬ 
sciously or unconsciously of another civilisation. Time was 
when these two were regarded as identical, but now a dis¬ 
tinct divorce has taken place between the two. 

The Indian Christian is prepared to welcome the mission¬ 
ary as the servant of his Master, he is opposed to accord to 
him any superior position because of his character as the 
exponent of western civilisation. Even today the foreign 

73 


missionary enjoys many privileges in the missionary field, 
because he belongs to the ruling race or races, having more 
in common with it. This has placed him in a vantage ground 
which is not always the result of his Christian character, and 
which may be, and often is, directly in opposition to his true 
role as a humble follower of Christ. The new situation de¬ 
mands that in his dealings both with Christians and non- 
Christians he should cease to be a Sahib and identify himself 
as the servant of His servants among the people of this land. 
—Christo Samaj. Memorandum on the Further Develop¬ 
ment and Expansion of Christianity in India, December 1921, 
pp. 18-19. 

In his book the “Scourge of Christianity,” Paul Richards 
tells how Europe practices Christianity—in Asia. And his 
words have been eagerly heard and quoted by Asiatics, in 
particular the Hindus, who find in the theme the very essence 
of their own feeling for the mockery of white religions. Some 
passages most quoted in Indian papers follow: 

Christians worship one son of Asia ... at a great cost 
to the others. 

Europe finds it natural to take one Man of Asia as Master, 
and all his brothers as slaves. 

^ Christians think that since one Asiatic alone is the Son of 
God, the rest can fairly be treated as sons of the Devil. 

The Christianity of Christ died when Asia ceased to teach 
it. 

When Christ comes again He will have to give up being 
an Asiatic and a Carpenter if He wishes to be admitted into 
the Christian countries of America and Australia. 

If it pleased the “native” of Judea to reappear as a “native 
of India, how many Englishmen would remain Christians ? 

If Christ came again, would He not choose again to be a 
son of the enslaved people rather than a citizen of the Empire? 

The Clnist, if He comes, will not be of the white race; the 
colored peoples could not put their faith in Him. 

If Christ has not changed His ideas, Christians will have, 
when He returns, to change their habits. 

I he Gospel is not only for individuals; it is also for the 
nations. 

The nation too must learn: Thou shalt not steal the land of 
others, thou shalt not kill defenseless nationalities; thou shalt 
not commit adultery with colonies and dominions; thou shalt 
not bear false witness against enemy governments. . . . And 

74 


the supreme command: Thou shalt love thy neighbor—all peo¬ 
ples whatsoever, black, yellow, white, African or Asiatic, strong 
or weak, small or great—thou shalt love as thyself. 

It is for the nations that this was written: This is my 
commandment, that ye love one another ... ye are members 
one of another ... do not unto others what ye would not 
they should do unto you. Judge not that ye be not judged. 
Remit your debts to one another. . . . Forgive your enemies. 

Friendship is a wonderful thing with men of our race. But 
there is a rare beauty in friendship with men of another race. 
. . . For Christ is never so clearly set forth as Lord, never 
so truly glorified as when the great gulfs are bridged, and 
two men of far off lands and different history are friends in 
Him.”— Frank Lenwood. Christ and Human Need , 1921, 

p. 116. 

Before the twentieth century is half over, the Mongolian, 
the Aryan, and the African will be found everywhere in¬ 
habiting the same laps of earth, and forming parts of the 
same bodies politic. The Chinaman will be found in every 
land, the European will have interfiltrated throughout Africa, 
and the question, which today is a practical question for 
South Africa and a few other countries, will be the master 
question of the race. 

Is it possible, and, if possible, desirable, that the different 
distinct human breeds, whom it has taken nature countless 
ages to elaborate in her workshop and turn out in stable 
form, should, when living side by side as parts of the same 
social organism, remain distinct? 

Is the race of man on earth, in the future, as in the present, 
to consist of distinct types, or is the whole body of humanity 
to become racially one fused uniform mass? 

To these questions of so weighty an import to humanity, 
only the ages that are coming can yield an adequate answer; 
but they are undoubtedly questions of master import to the 
race. . . . 

Yet probably, and I should say more than probably, where 
nature herself obliterates the distinction of race, and allows 
a mighty and permanent affection between man and woman 
to cross the limits of race, then, I should be inclined to say 
nature herself gives sanction which may set the lesser utilities 
at defiance and consecrates the union of distinct breeds; but 
without so mighty a permit it is perhaps well that we who 

75 


are but children in this matter, and can not see farther than 
our hands can reach, should pause and move with caution. 
For the future of the race on earth is bound up in this 
matter. — Olive Schreiner. Some Thoughts on South 
Africa, pp. 385-386. 

Professors in the Universities of Alabama, Arkansas, 
Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Tennessee, Texas and Virginia, sent out last January a state¬ 
ment that deserves wide circulation and repetition: 

“Sane, thoughtful men, who love truth and justice, can meet to¬ 
gether and discuss problems involving points of even strong disagree¬ 
ment and arrive at a common understanding, if only they remember to 
look for the next best thing to do rather than attempt to determine 
for all time any set of fixed policies or lay down an inclusive program 
for the future. The most fruitful forms of co-operation have been 
found in connection with such vital community problems as better 
schools, good roads, more healthful living, and more satisfactory busi¬ 
ness relations. In all these community efforts the good of both races 
is inseparably involved. . . . 

The number of those who possess specific knowledge upon which 
to base intelligent thinking, and, ultimately, wise action is still too 
small. There is great need, therefore, that facts now available con¬ 
cerning the advancement of the Negro race in education, in professional 
accomplishment, in economic independence and in character, be studied 
by thoughtful students in our colleges. Such facts as are definitely 
established could well be made, as has already been done in some in¬ 
stitutions, the basis of instruction in race conditions and relations 
as a part of a regular course in social science. This body of infor¬ 
mation would undoubtedly allay race antagonism and would serve as 
a foundation for tolerant attitude and intelligent action in every di¬ 
rection of inter-racial co-operation .”—The Crisis, Aug. 1922. 

We must be saved by grace, though we are doomed by 
race. Above the biological mass which we found here, brought 
here, the nation must rise, like a shepherd, above the flock, 
and create an environment in which the individual will be of 
supreme value—in which personality and not property will 
be the measure of achievement; in which each of us can be 
entirely himself, and so enrich the whole; an environment 
which will make for unity and not press for uniformity. Such 
an environment already exists, not only in the hearts and 
minds of good and great men, but here and there—in homes, 
schools, churches, settlements, even in industry. It needs to 
grow, and for that we need patience; for that we need the 
patience of God.”— Edward A. Steiner in “America and the 
New Race, Christian Century, Sept. 27, 1923. 

76 


CREDO 

I believe in God, who made of one blood all nations that 
on earth do dwell. I believe that all men, black and brown 
and white, are brothers, varying through time and opportunity, 
in form and gift and feature, but differing in no essential 
particular, and alike in soul and the possibility of infinite 
development. . . . 

I believe in Pride of race and lineage and self; in pride of 
self so deep as to scorn injustice to other selves; in pride of 
lineage so great as to despise no man’s father; in pride of 
race so chivalrous as neither to offer bastardy to the weak 
nor beg wedlock of the strong, knowing that men may be 
brothers in Christ, even though they be not brothers-in-law. 

I believe in Service—humble, reverent service, from the 
blackening of boots to the whitening of souls; for Work is 
Heaven, Idleness Hell, and Wage is the “Well done!” of the 
Master, who summoned all them that labor and are heavy 
laden, making no distinction between the black, sweating 
cotton hands of Georgia and the first families of Virginia, 
since all distinction not based on deed is devilish and not 
divine. 

I believe in the Prince of Peace. I believe that War is 
Murder. I believe that armies and navies are at bottom the 
tinsel and braggadocio of oppression and wrong, and I believe 
that the wicked conquest of weaker and darker nations by 
nations whiter and stronger but foreshadows the death of 
that strength. 

I believe in Liberty for all men; the space to stretch their 
arms and their souls, the right to breathe and the right to 
vote, the freedom to choose their friends, enjoy the sunshine, 
and ride on the railroads, uncursed by color; thinking, dream¬ 
ing, working as they will in a kingdom of beauty and love. 

I believe in the Training of Children, black even as white; 
the leading out of little souls into the green pastures and be¬ 
side the still waters, not for perf or peace, but for life lit by 
some large vision of beauty and goodness and truth; lest we 
forget, and the sons of the fathers, like Esau, for mere meat 
barter their birthright in a mighty nation. 

Finally, I believe in Patience—patience with the weakness 
of the Weak and the strength of the Strong, the prejudice of 
the ignorant and the ignorance of the Blind; patience with the 
tardy triumph of Joy and the mad chastening of Sorrow;— 
patience with God!—W. E. Du Bois. Darkwater, pp. 3, 4. 

77 


Additional Reference Sources 

The Price of World Federation. R. 0. Hall. Report of Conference 
of H orld Student Christian Federation held in Peking in 1922 
Darkwater. W. E. B. Du Bois. 

Christ and Human Need 1921. (Addresses delivered at a conference 
International and Missionary Questions, Glasgow.) Pp. 105- 


The Trend of the Races. George E. Haynes. 
Under Heaven One Family. R. O. Hall. East 
The Student World. July 1921. 

Approaches to a Solution. L. Hollingsworth 
Tomorrow, March 1922. 


Pp. 158-192. 
and West, Jan. 1925. 

Wood. The World 


Appendix 

Adventures in Good Will 

Early in 1919, when race riots were flaming up in city after 
city and the nation was awaiting the outcome in dread sus¬ 
pense, a group of southern men formed in Atlanta the Com¬ 
mission on Interracial Cooperation, in order to check if pos¬ 
sible the threatened conflagration. The membership of the 
Commission was made up of leading educators, ministers, busi¬ 
ness and professional men from every state in the South, in¬ 
cluding a number of outstanding Negroes. Dr. W. W. Alex¬ 
ander was chosen as Director and was assigned the task of 
organizing the movement, and state and county committees 
were speedily set up throughout the South. 

The result fully justified the effort. A better spirit imme¬ 
diately appeared. Suspicion and distrust began to give way to 
understanding and confidence. The fires of hate were checked 
and the threatened tragedy was averted. 

Having proved its efficacy in this crisis, it was felt that the 
commission should enter on the task of permanently improv¬ 
ing race relations in the South and putting them as far as 
possible upon a thoroughly Christian basis. A southwide cam¬ 
paign of good will was accordingly projected, aimed at the 
creation of a better spirit, the correction of grievances, and the 
promotion of understanding and sympathy between the races. 

To this end committees have been set up in every Southern 
State and in 800 counties. In many communities their efforts 
have been notably successful. Threatened lynchings and riots 
have been prevented, injustices have been corrected, coopera¬ 
tion for mutual welfare has been brought about, and relations 
of frankness and confidence have been established between the 
best elements of both races. In general, their activities have 
meant the injection of the Christian spirit into interracial re¬ 
lations, and the effort to solve in that spirit whatever problems 
arise from time to time. 

The philosophy on which the work of these groups rests is 
the belief that every man is entitled to a hearing, that mutual 
understanding is the surest means of conciliation, and that a 

79 


Christian solution of every interracial problem can be found 
if men are willing to seek it in a Christian spirit. 

The method of securing these ends is to bring together in 
each community representatives of the best white and colored 
people, sometimes in separate groups, sometimes together, so 
that conference relations may be set up. These committees 
frankly face and discuss all points of friction or danger, and 
seek to obviate them. The Negro members are encouraged to 
lay bare any grievances or injustices from which they feel 
they are suffering, or any needs of which they are keenly 
sensible. Perhaps it is a feeling that they are not getting 
justice in the courts, or protection at the hands of the law. 
Perhaps it is lack of sewers, sidewalks, or other public utilities 
in the Negro area of some city. Perhaps it is the need of 
better schools. Perhaps it is economic exploitation of which 
they complain. Whatever it may be, the committee hears the 
case with open mind, goes into it frankly and sympathetically, 
and takes such action as the facts seem to demand. 

"I he Commission does not seek to put over a program of 
race relations. It insists upon one thing only: That in every 
community where race relations are an issue the best people 
should take the matter seriously in hand, with the determined 
purpose to seek a Christian solution of every problem as it 
arises, and to substitute good will and justice for the spirit of 
distrust and suspicion that is fraught with so great danger to 
both races. With a proposition so sound there can be no 
disagreement. With rare exceptions, therefore, the Commis¬ 
sion has no difficulty in securing the hearty cooperation of the 
best people in the community. 

An interesting recent development in the movement is the 
enlistment of the leading women of many Southern states, to 
cooperate with the various State committees, and to promote 
the study of this question in their civic and religious organiza¬ 
tions. So far this step has been taken by the women of 
Georgia, Alabama, Virginia, South Carolina, Arkansas, Ten¬ 
nessee, Texas, North Carolina, Louisiana and Oklahoma. In 
every case the women have made strong pronouncements 
against mob violence and in favor of even-handed justice for 
the Negro, particularly in matters primarily affecting the wel¬ 
fare of women and children. Plans have been adopted by a 
number of the denominational women's organizations by which 
the study of this question, both from text books and prac¬ 
tically, shall become a part of the work of every group, with 

80 


the view to such efforts to improve local conditions as may 
seem to be needed. This phase of the movement is highly sig¬ 
nificant.—R. B. Eleazer. 

“Others have given to the large schools; if I could, I should 
like to help the little country schools.” These were the words 
of Miss Anna T. Jeanes, a Quakeress of Philadelphia, when 
talking to a visitor in regard to making a contribution toward 
the education of the colored children in the South. Not long 
after this conversation she gave a million dollars, the income 
of which was to be spent in “helping the small rural schools.” 
The work founded on this donation has been going on for 
fourteen years, and has influenced to a considerable extent 
rural education throughout the South. “The Jeanes teacher 
in my county,” wrote a superintendent from Alabama, “has 
revolutionized the sentiment for Negro education and inci¬ 
dentally changed the aspect of race relations.”— James H. 
Dillard. Fourteen Years of the Jeanes Fund. 

The Jeanes Fund, for the improvement of Negro rural 
schools, cooperated during the session ending June 30, 1923, with 
public school superintendents in 255 counties in 14 states. 

The 269 Supervising Teachers, paid partly by the counties 
and partly through the Jeanes Fund, visited regularly in these 
counties 7,872 country schools, making in all 35,822 visits, and 
raising for the purpose of school improvement $338,882. The 
total amount of salary paid to the Supervising Teachers was 
$215,115.54, of which the sum of $121,300.03 was paid by the 
public school authorities and $93,815.51 through the Jeanes 
Fund. 

The business of these traveling teachers, working under 
the direction of the county superintendents, is to help and en¬ 
courage the rural teachers; to introduce into the small country 
schools simple home industries; to give talks and lessons on 
sanitation, cleanliness, etc.; to promote the improvement of 
school houses and school grounds; and to organize clubs for 
the betterment of the school and neighborhood. 

Mr. S. L. Smith, Director of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, 
Nashville. Tennessee, recently completed a summary of Rosen¬ 
wald Buildings, completed in the South from the establishment 
of this Fund to Tune 30, 1922. This summary shows that 
with the aid of Mr. Rosenwald, 1298 school-houses have been 
built for Negroes in the South at a cost of $4,380,207 of which 
amount Mr. Rosenwald contributed $818,880. 

81 


It may be doubted whether anywhere in the world a more 
complete illustration of cooperation can be found than in the 
present work of education for the colored children of the 
South. And it is cooperation without conflict, and except in 
rare instances without wasteful duplication. It is little short 
of wonderful how the various agencies dovetail and support 
each other. The General Education Board, the Rosenwald 
Fund, the Phelps-Stokes Fund, the Slater Fund (especially 
through the County Training Schools which are also aided 
by the General Education Board, the Carnegie Corporation, 
and Mr. Rosenfeld), the Jeanes Fund and the various Church 
and Missionary Boards are all not only doing their work, but 
doing it in the spirit of cooperation with one another, and 
with the state departments of education. 

Texas Women on the Race Problem 
The women members of the Texas State Inter-Racial Com¬ 
mittee recently issued the following very significant statement 
which is typical of those adopted by the several state groups 
of women affiliated with the Inter-Racial Commission: 

“We, the members of the woman’s section of the Texas 
State Committee on Inter-Racial Cooperation, find ourselves 
overwhelmed with the opportunity and the corresponding re¬ 
sponsibility which we this day face in sharing the task of 
bringing about better conditions and relations in the South 
between the White and Negro races. We deplore the fact 
that the relations for the past fifty years have been such as 
to separate the two races through a lack of understanding on 
the part of both. We know that ignorance takes its toll in 
crime and inefficiency, that disease and death are no respecters 
of persons, but that they sweep from the places of squalor and 
unsanitary living across the boulevards, to the best kept and 
most protected homes. We know also that crime is not segre¬ 
gated and that its results are felt alike by all classes. 

“We are persuaded that our native Southland can never 
reach its highest destiny while any part of its people are ignor¬ 
ant, undeveloped, and inefficient. Therefore, together we must 
meet our task and seek to bring in a new day of better un¬ 
derstanding and achievement. To this end we call attention 
to some of the underlying causes of present-day ills: 

“ Prejudice . Recognizing the universal existence of pre¬ 
judice among people of different races, and deploring its 
existence and its consequent unjust results, we are therefore 
resolved: That the Negro should have a hearing in his own 

02 


behalf, and that we should not be content simply with being 
kindly disposed to the race, but that our good-will should 
reach to an effort to secure for its members justice in all things 
and opportunities for living the best possible life. We desire 
for the Negro as for all men, personal and racial justice in 
private life and in courts of the land. 

“Womanhood. Recognizing the great increase of mulattoes, 
and knowing full well that no race can rise above its woman¬ 
hood, we appeal for the protection of the chastity of the 
Negro women and declare ourselves for the single standard 
of morality among this race as well as among our own. 

“ Childhood . Recognizing the right of every American child 
to be not only well-born, but to be given the opportunity for 
developing his life to its fullest possibility, we desire for the 
Negro child better homes, better schools, and better Christian 
training. 

“Lynching. ‘Lynching is the black spot on America’s soul.’ 
So long as America holds the record for its illegal taking of 
life, so long as the headlines of foreign papers carry in large 
letters, ‘America burns another Negro,’ just so long will her 
shame be world-wide. We have no security unless the law 
protect us. Mob violence knows no law. As women, as the 
mothers of men, we protest. We condemn every violation 
of law in the taking of life, no matter what the crime. 

“We declare ourselves for law and order at all costs. The 
public has a right to prompt and sustain justice and should 
demand such of officials and courts. We believe that America 
should not permit ignorance and prejudice to be capitalized. 

“In common with the great and honored Henry W. Grady 
of our own Southland, we say, ‘Not in passion, my country¬ 
men, but in reason, not in narrowness but in breadth, may we 
solve this problem in calmness and in truth, and, lifting its 
shadows, let perpetual sunshine pour down on two races 
walking together in peace and contentment.’ ” 

Women Members, Georgia State Committee on 

Race Cooperation 

We, a group of Georgia women voluntarily assembled on the 
invitation of the State Inter-Racial Committee, desire to ex¬ 
press our appreciation of this opportunity to voice our con¬ 
victions concerning issues which seem to lie at the foundation of 
the peace and prosperity of our people. 

In accepting the invitation to become members of the State 
Committee on Race Relations, we also accept the responsibility 

83 


of sharing with all good citizens the duty of emphasizing and 
perpetuating the ideals of our fathers in the founding of this 
commonwealth in “wisdom, justice and moderation.” 

We realize that the race question is one of the causes of 
lawlessness, strife and unrest. Therefore, we propose to face 
it squarely, honestly and without prejudice, that righteousness 
and justice may be secured for all people. 

Law and Order. We believe that the majority of the citi¬ 
zens of our state stand for the support of the Constitution and 
the authorized channels of law, and that the strength of these 
citizens, if properly directed, is sufficient to control the des¬ 
tinies of the state by the orderly processes of law. 

We recognize that where there is weakness and failure of 
public officials, it is often due to the weakness of public sen¬ 
timent on moral issues. We, therefore, appeal: 

1- To all good citizens to uphold those public officials who 
courageously discharge their duties and endeavor to put an 
end to crime, injustice and barbarity without fear of any 
man or set of men. 

2. To all good citizens to recognize the forces which are under¬ 
mining our life, and to speedily banish self-constituted 
groups and agencies which presume to usurp authority, 
set aside the dignity of the law and constitute themselves 
the piosecutors, jurors, judges and executors of suspected 
criminals. 

3. To that group of neutrals who take no risk for themselves 
or their community, who never terrorize or rob or mob or 
lynch, but who, perhaps unconsciously, acquiesce in these 
brutal crimes by failing to restrain those who do. 

. Protection of Women. We have a deep sense of apprecia¬ 
tion for the chivalry of men who would give their lives for the 
purity and safety of the women of their own race, yet we feel 
constrained to declare our convictions concerning the methods 
sometimes employed in this supposed protection. 

. ^ in< ^ * n our hearts no extenuation for crime be it 

violation of womanhood, mob-violence, or the illegal taking 0 f 
human life. & 

We are convinced that if there is any one crime more dan¬ 
gerous than another, it is “that crime which strikes at the root 
of and undermines constituted authority, breaks all laws and 
restraints of civilization, substitutes mob-violence, and masked 

84 


irresponsibility for established justice,” and deprive society 
of a sense of protection against barbarism. 

Therefore, we believe that “no falser appeal can be made 
to southern manhood than that mob-violence is necessary for 
the protection of womanhood,” or that the brutal practice of 
lynching and burning human beings is an expression of 
chivalry. We believe that these methods are “no protection to 
anything or anybody, but that they jeopardize every right and 
every security that we possess.” 

Standard of Morals. The double standard of morals which 
society passively permits, is rapidly producing results that im¬ 
peril the future integrity of our national life, and we are per¬ 
suaded that this problem can never be solved as long as there 
is a double standard for men and women of any race. 

We appeal for the creation of a public sentiment which 
will no longer submit to this condition and declare ourselves 
for the protection of all womanhood of whatever race. 

We are convinced that if there is ever to be a solution of 
the race problem, there must be an intensive and sustained 
campaign to instruct whites and Negroes to respect both 
moral and civil law. 

Therefore, we recommend that all people give themselves to 
a definite study of these vital matters relating to justice and 
righteousness and that the press, pulpit, platform and school 
endeavor to lead public thought in bringing about a state of 
public opinion that will compel the protection of the purity 
of both races. 

We further recommend that this group of women members 
of the Georgia State Inter-Racial Committee form sub-com¬ 
mittees on the Negro Church, School and Home, and seek 
to arrive at a more accurate knowledge of their needs that we 
may better understand our responsibility, the one to the 
other. 

We appreciate the chivalry of white men in the protection 
of white womanhood, and hold that the integrity of the Negro 
home should be no less sacredly respected and guarded by the 
men of both races. 

The lives of many of the young men and women of the 
Negro race are daily becoming embittered not only because 
of the injustice and discrimination that they constantly meet, 
but also because of the lack of simple Christian courtesy. 

We therefore pledge ourselves to cultivate the Christian 
attitude of mind in every day contacts by discouraging the 

85 


use of those terms both in conversation and in the press, that 
arouse resentment and convey a sense of inferiority or con¬ 
tempt; by using our influence against rudeness on the part of 
all public officials, and employes of public utilities; by stand¬ 
ing for justice and opportunity and the fullest possible devel¬ 
opment to which every individual of the race can attain. 

The South’s Growing Interest in Negro Education 

North Carolina spent in 1922 for Negro education ap¬ 
proximately three million dollars. The Negroes of the State 
have been greatly encouraged by this liberal policy and are 
contributing from their private funds more than $100,000 a 
year to aid in building schools and lengthening the term. 

The above is typical of a new interest in Negro education 
which is evident throughout the South. 

In 1923, out of a school bond issue of $4,000,000 the city 
of Atlanta erected five splendid Negro schools, at a total 
cost of $1,200,000. One of the five is a high school plant 
costing half a million. 

Norfolk, Va., has just erected a half million dollar high 
school for colored children, and Richmond, Newport News 
and Lynchburg have built similar schools, costing $215 000 
$150,000 and $125,000 respectively. A number of South 
Carolina cities report new colored schools this year costing 
from $25,000 to $80,000 each. 

There are in the South today 50 colleges and 400 normal 
and industrial schools for Negroes, with plants valued at 
more than $30,000,000. 

In 1922, $21,000,000 was expended for Negro public 
schools in the South and $7,000,000 for higher training 

This is far from what it ought to be, but indicates very 
encouraging progress. J 

The 1920 census showed about 300,000 less colored il- 
!^ erates than that of 1910. In 1910 the percentage of colored 
illiteracy in the South was 33.3. ..In 1920 it had dropped to 
26.3. This leaves 1,753,000 Negroes who cannot write. 

Georgia has the greatest number of these illiterates—261 115 
a percentage of 29.1. Lousiana with 206,730, had the highest 
percentage of illiteracy, 38.5. Other States which still have 
great masses of colored illiterates are Alabama with 210 690 
or 31.3 per cent, Mississippi, with 205,813,. or 29.3 per cent’ 
and South Carolina with 131,422, or 29.3 per cent. 

. Every Southern State showed a marked reduction in il¬ 
literacy between 1910 and 1920. Every Northern State also 

*6 


showed a decrease. This would indicate that the Negroes 
migrating were mostly able to read, otherwise they would have 
increased illiteracy in the North. The percentage of illiteracy 
among Northern Negroes is much less than among Southern 
Negroes, being 26 per cent in the South and eight per cent 
in the North. 

Every Southern State also shows a marked increase in the 
proportion of Negro children in school. For the South as a 
zvhole slightly over half of the Negro children are reported in 
school, while in the North slightly over 60 per cent are in 
school. 

Lynchings Decrease in Number and Area 

That the lynching evil is steadily being reduced, both as to 
numbers and area, and that its eradication is only a matter of 
years, is the substance of a statement given out by the Com¬ 
mission on Interracial Cooperation as the result of a careful 
study of the lynching record for the past forty years. 

During that period, the statement points out, lynchings have 
occurred in forty-four States, in as many as thirty-three in 
a single year, (1892), and in an average of twenty-one states 
a year, whereas in 1921 only thirteen states had lynchings and 
in 1922 only ten. This indicates that the habit is being gradu¬ 
ally pushed off the map. 

The number of victims also has steadily decreased, with 
slight variations, from the high mark of 255 in 1892 to 57 
last year, the latter figure being only about half the annual 
average for the forty year period, which was 109. In addi¬ 
tion, it is pointed out that there has been a notable decrease 
in the lynching habit in the states where it still persists. Last 
year’s record represents a decrease of 27 per cent from the 
forty year annual average of 79 for the same ten states. 

The figures for certain states where special efiforts have been 
made to curb lynching are cited as particularly encouraging in 
their assurance that the habit can be overcome when public 
sentiment and law unite against it. For example, Alabama, 
with a yearly average of eight lynchings for the forty years, 
has cut the number to two. Tennessee, with an average of 
six, had but two last year, and a total of only five in the last 
four years. Oklahoma and South Carolina, each with an 
average of four, had but one each in 1922. Louisiana, with 
an average of nine, has cut the record to three. North Caro¬ 
lina, Virginia, Missouri and Kentucky, each averaging from 
two to five victims per year for forty years past, had not a 
single one in 1922. 


S7 


It was pointed out that in several states special legislation 
has been enacted and found very helpful in curbing lynching, 
among the most effective measures being a state constabulary 
under the control of the governor, as in Alabama and Ten¬ 
nessee, and provision for the removal of officers who sur¬ 
render prisoners to mobs, as in Alabama, Florida, Kentucky 
and South Carolina. 1 hese two measures consistently applied, 
says the Commission, will make it possible for any state to 
reduce lynching to the vanishing point .—Interracial Commis¬ 
sion, January, 1923. 


Lynchers Convicted in Georgia 

In the 37 years ending with 1921 there were over 430 
lynchings in Georgia, and only one man indicted on this 
charge. In 1922 there were seven lynchings, and in that 
year largely through the efforts of the Inter-Racial Commis¬ 
sion, twenty-two indictments were returned, on this charge, 
and four men were convicted and sent to the penitentiary. 

“We unhesitatingly declare lynching to be a crime against 
the honor of our nation. . . . We, therefore, recommend that 
in the pulpit, in the religious press and denominational litera¬ 
ture, and in every other possible way, the Christian forces of 
the South unhesitatingly and uncompromisingly condemn and 
oppose all mob violence, and that the voice of our united 
Christian effort be steadfastly raised in the defense of the 
sacredness of life and law and order .”—Southern Church 
Leaders Conference, Blue Ridge, N. C. 

Colored Jury Metes Out Swift Justice 

A colored murderer in Hazard, Kentucky, asked for an all¬ 
colored jury to pass judgment on his case. He got his wish 
and the first all-colored jury in the State convicted him in 
ele\en minutes and he was sentenced to the penitentiary for 
twenty-one years. J 


College Course in Eliminating Prejudice 

• Clarke, a professor in Ohio University, has 

introduced in the department of sociology a course in “elimin¬ 
ating prejudice. All sorts of prejudices are studied—religi- 
ous, national, racial, occupational and political. One result of 
the course has been the formation of the Ohio Student Inter¬ 
racial Conference for the promotion of better understanding 
between white and colored students. 8 

88 


Action of the Commission on Negro Churches and Race 
Relations of the Federal Council of Churches of 
Christ in America, Washington, D.C., July 12, 1921 

In organizing the Commission on Negro Churches and Race 
Relations at the invitation of the Federal Council of the 
Churches of Christ in America, we are animated by the con¬ 
viction that the Christian religion affords the only adequate 
solution of the problem of the relations of races to each other. 
Recognizing one God as the father of all and conceiving man¬ 
kind as His family, we are convinced that all races are so 
bound together in an organic unity that only on the basis of 
brotherhood can satisfactory relations be secured. 

There are, therefore, certain theories of race relations that 
we are unable to accept. We cannot assume that one race is to 
possess special rights denied to others; or that the races must 
remain in more or less constant friction and conflict; or that 
they must be isolated from fellowship with each other; or 
that an amalgamation of the races is the only alternative. The 
Christian conception of God and man constrains us to believe 
whole-heartedly that the races should and can live together in 
mutual hopefulness and goodwill, each making its own con¬ 
tribution to the richness of the human family as a whole and 
cooperating with the others in seeking the common good. 

We therefore, set forth the following as the purposes which 
this Commission will seek to serve: 

1. To assert the sufficiency of Christianity as the solution of 
race relations in America and the duty of the churches and 
all their organizations to give the most careful attention to 
this question. 

2. To provide a central clearing-house and meeting-place for 
the Churches and for all Christian agencies dealing with the 
relation of the white and Negro races and to encourage and 
support their activities along this line. 

3. To promote mutual confidence and acquaintance, both na¬ 
tionally and locally, between the white and Negro churches, 
especially by state and local conferences, between white and 
Negro ministers, Christian educators and other leaders, 
for the consideration of their common problems. 

4. To array the sentiment of the Christian Churches against 
mob violence and to enlist their thorough-going support in 
a special program of education on the subject for a period 
of at least five years. 

. BP 


5. To secure and distribute accurate knowledge of the facts 
regarding racial relations and racial attitudes in general, and 
regarding particular situations that may be under discussion 
from time to time. 

6. To develop a public conscience which will secure in the 
Negro equitable provision for education, health, housing, 
recreation and all other aspects of community welfare. 

7. To make more widely known in the Churches the work and 
principles of the Commission on Inter-Racial Cooperation, 
and especially to support its efforts to establish local inter¬ 
racial committees. 

8. To secure the presentation of the problem of race relations 
and of the Christian solution by white and Negro speakers 
at as many church gatherings as possible throughout the 
country. 


Recent Official Church Utterance 

The official weight of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South, numbering two and a quarter million members, was 
thrown into the balance against lynching by the Quadriennial 
Address of the College of Bishops to the General Conference, 
Hot Springs, Ark., May 11, 1922. Having commented on the 
Negro’s “commendable zeal” in the effort for education and 
on the remai kable progress made by the race since it emerged 
from slavery, the bishops continued: 

“We urge our people everywhere to do all they can for 
the uplifting of the Negroes in preparation for a safe and help¬ 
ful citizenship. This implies that they shall have complete 
justice where their lawful rights are concerned. We especiallv 
urge that everything possible be done to prevent lynchings, 
which are no less a disgrace to those who engage in them than 
they are an outrage upon the helpless victims. This crime of 
crimes, which is not only a complete subversion of law but a 
stroke at the very life of law itself, has discredited our nation 
in the eyes of other civilized nations and brought undying 
obloquy upon many of the States of the Union. It is hoped 
that the States will continue to legislate against this shameful 
crime and that the public conscience will be speedilv so aroused 
that it will be utterly abolished. "—Dublin's Weekly. 


90 


Cardinal Principles in Racial Cooperation 

Some cardinal principles have already come to the surface 
out of past experience. First, constructive plans and work 
to meet some definite needs of a part or all the community, 
rather than lengthy discussions of “the race problem,” are the 
surest way to develop interest and to hold it. 

Second, constructive social betterment to improve condi¬ 
tions of Negroes and promote friendly race relations on the 
farms, in the factories, schools, trains, streets, market-places, 
and elsewhere and thus prevent racial clashes, is far more im¬ 
portant and effective than social medicine to palliate the erup¬ 
tions that break out from chronic community evils. 

Third, any community that attempts such preventive efforts 
may well map out a definite program of work. It may not 
be exhaustive or wide in scope, but it should be definite, be 
aimed at specific needs, and calculated to bring results which 
all the people may see. 

Fourth, the personnel of such community organization is of 
two types: the community-minded citizens, white and Negro, 
with interracial tolerance, and the executive, specially trained 
in social work. The first type of persons should come into 
mutual council or organizations as representatives of agencies 
or organized group and racial interests. They are the ones, 
and the only ones, competent to adopt plans and settle policies 
which will affect the daily lives of all. Professional social 
service agents or experts can do no more than get these groups 
together and lay facts and ideas before them. The people 
of both races can be led to the waters of wisdom, but they 
themselves must decide to drink. 

It should be borne in mind, too, that the representatives 
should, as far as possible, be chosen by their own group or 
agency and that there should be a Negro executive on the 
Negro side of the equation. 

Fifth, to insure satisfactory contacts as members of 
the two races strive together toward mutual ends, there is 
need of appreciation of distinctive racial attitudes, impulses, 
and habits of thought and action. The Negro representatives 
come into such councils possessing, among other things, a keen 
response to personalities, with pleasure in friendly conversa¬ 
tion, with a warmth of cheerfulness, and a play of wit. The 
white representatives have a sharp perception of the economic 
values and relations and less of the humorous and more of 
the aggressive, executive cast of mind. On the Negro side, 

91 


indirect approach or patient waiting is the method of action 
with difficult problems, while on the white side there is strenu¬ 
ous pursuit that overrides the difficulty or smashes it. 

Finally, real cooperation means operating together, each 
mindful of the full interest of the other or ready to give 
and take for the sake of reaching a common goal. Where 
one race or the other thinks more highly of itself or of its 
interests than it ought to think, such joint operation is practi¬ 
cally unworkable. As the American ideals propagated in our 
homes, our schools, churches, government, and voluntary 
agencies impress themselves upon Negroes, it is no longer pos¬ 
sible to treat them as less than freemen or as children. They 
may not know all the American ways of doing things, but they 
are now awake to what it means to be free. Negro progress 
in agriculture, industry, art, literature, science, and religion is 
now a fact recognized by all fair-minded observers. White 
Americans are gradually coming to see that race relations in 
the future require that they work not simply for, but with 
Negroes.— George E. Haynes. The Trend of the Races, pp. 
178-182. 


92 


Important Books 

Boas, Franz 

The Mind of Primitive Man. New York, Macmillan, 1913. 
Brawley, Benjamin G. 

The Negro in Literature and Art. New York, Duffield, 1918. 
Brawley, Benjamin G. 

A Social History of the American Negro. New York, Macmillan, 

1921. 

Bryce, James 

The relation of the Advanced and. the Backward Races of 
Mankind. Clarendon Press, 1903. 

Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The 

The Negro in Chicago. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1922. 
Deis Taraknath 

India in World Politics. New York, B. W. Huebsch, 1923. 

Dixon, Roland B. 

The Racial History of Man. New York, Scribners, 1923. 

Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt 

Darkwater. New York, Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920. 

Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt 

Souls of Black Folk. New York, McClurg, 1903. 

Evans, Maurice S. 

Black and White in the Southern States. New York, Longmans, 
Green and Co., 1915. 

Fahs, Charles Harvey 

America's Stake in the Far East. New York, Association Press, 
1920. 

Finot, Jean 

Race Prejudice. Translated by Florence Wade-Evans. London, 
Archibald Constable and Co., 1906. 

Fraser, Donald 

The Future of Africa. London, United Council for Missionary 
Education, 1922. 

Gandhi, M. K. 

Speeches and Writings of M. K. Gandhi. Madras, G. A. Natesan 
and Co., 1922. 

Grant, Madison 

The Passing of a Great Race. New York, Scribner’s, 1922. 
Gulick, Sidney L. 

American Democracy and Asiatic Citizenship. New York, Scrib¬ 
ner’s, 1918. 

Hammond, L. H. (Mrs.) 

In White and Black. Revell, 1914. 

In the Vanguard of a Race. Missionary Education Movement, 

1922. 

Harris, John H. 

Africa: Slave or Free? London, Student Christian Movement, 
1919. 


93 


Haynes, Elizabeth Ross 

Unsung Heroes. New York, DuBois and Dill, 1921. 

Haynes, George E. 

The Trend of the Races. New York, Missionary Education Move¬ 
ment, 1922. 

Johnsen, Julia E. 

The Negro Problem (selected articles on). New York, H. W. 
Wilson, 1921. 

Kawakami, K. K. 

The Real Japanese Question. New York, Macmillan, 1921. 

Kerlin, Robert T. 

The Voice of the Negro. New York, Dutton, 1919. 

Moton, R. R. 

Finding a Way Out. Doubleday, Page & Co. 1920. 

Murphy, Edward Gardner 

The Basis of Ascendency. Longman’s, Green & Co. 1909. 

The Present South. Macmillan Co. 1904. 

Negro Migration in 1916-7—U. S. Department of Labor, 
Division of Negro Economics. 

Nundy, Alfred 

Revolution or Evolution. 

Ovington, Mary White 

Half a Man. New York, Longman’s, 1911. 

Phelps, Edith M. 

Immigration (selected articles on). New York, H. W. Wilson Co., 
1920. 

Rai, Lajpat 

Young India. The Nationalist Movement. New York, B. W. 
Huebsch, 1916. 

Recent Publications of the John E. Slater Fund 

Country Training Schools for Negroes in the South—Le Mor¬ 
timer Farsot. 

Southern Women and Racial Adjustment—L. H. Hammond. 
Report on Negro Universities and Colleges—W. T. B. Williams. 
Early Effort for Industrial Education—Benjamin Brawley. 
Seligman, Herbert J. 

The Negro Faces America. New York, Harper & Brothers, 1920. 
Speer, Robert E. 

Of One Blood. New York, Missionary Education Movement, 1923. 
Stephenson, Gilbert T. 

Race Distinctions in American Law. New York, Appleton, 1910. 
Stoddard, Lothrop 

The Rising Tide of Color. New York, Scribners, 1920. 
Washington, Booker T. 

Up from Slavery. Doubleday, Page & Co. 1900. 

Weatherfored, W. D. 

Present Forces in Negro Progress. Association Press. 1912. 
Negro Life in the South. Association Press. 1910. 

The Negro from Africa to America (soon to appear). 

94 • 


Wellock, Wilfred 

India’s Awakening. London, Labour Publishing Co., 1922. 
Willoughby, W. C. 

Race Problems in the New Africa. 

Woodson, Carter G. 

History of the Negro Church. Associated Publishers. 

Woolf, Leonard 

Empire and Commerce in Africa. London, Allen and Unwin, 1921. 
Work, Monroe N. 

Negro Year Book. Tuskeege Institute. 


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